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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Great glitz, bad economics

And so it goes: Fall River officials, excited by the glitz of a big techno name, give huge tax breaks to get Amazon to built a giant warehouse with low-paid workers  there while loyal local companies get no break. They must subsidize Jeff Bezos. Does anyone ever do a macro-economic stuff of how many jobs might be created if all businesses in an area  were  to get a tax break instead of a sweetheart deal for a big, sexy out-of-state company? Too much thought required!

It reminds me of the reasoning that goes into luring casinos to an area.  Casinos REDUCE an area's income and jobs by draining discretionary income from existing businesses and sending it to the owners and/or operators out of state. But the local officials want the headline of  getting hundreds of job at one place, rather than the dozen here, the five there, lost at hundreds of small establishments when the casino moves in.

-- Robert Whitcomb

 

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Alternative financing for nonprofit hospitals

The physicians and others in  Cambridge Management Group  have been ruminating that as outpatient populations continue to fall, nonprofit hospitals may have to increasingly turn to such private-sector innovations as ”social-impact bonds” to finance physical-infrastructure projects. Those projects will include constructing more hospital-related outpatient facilities. This is particularly germane to New England, where there are far fewer for-profit hospitals than in most of the country. For that matter, they may have to turn to them  to cover  regular operating costs.

With these bonds, investors get a decent rate of return, though not as high as they might get elsewhere, and the satisfaction from helping projects and institutions that address important, indeed crucial, public needs.

Given the new economic  and other pressures on hospitals, they’ll have to get a lot more creative in financing their projects, including many more collaborations between nonprofit and for-profit organizations as well as money from federal, state and local governments.

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Flying through Framingham

fountain

 

This  sculpture, '"Gullet'' (cast iron rings, chicken wire, cheesecloth and paper), is a collaborative piece by Carrie Childs Antonini, Denise Driscoll and Sara Fine-Wilson. It's in the  "Multiplicity Members Group Show'' through Dec. 15 at Fountain Street Fine Art, Framingham, Mass.

 

It

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Llewellyn King: Media-pollster axis stole the election

  Politics is the hot ticket in journalism these days. Young reporters long to cover Capitol Hill, when once they longed for the exotic life of the foreign correspondent. “Timbuktu or bust” has become “Washington or fail.” Journalism's stars today are those who can reel off the precincts of Iowa or the hobbies of senators, not the wonders of rural Sri Lanka.

Yet the passion for politics that has seized the Washington news media and those who want to join it across America  has not been reflected in the public – not, at any rate, by the abysmally low national turnout of 36. 4 percent on Nov. 4, arguably one of the most important midterm elections in a long time.

It was the lowest voter  mid-term election turnout in 72 years: a seeming monument to voter apathy. Certainly not the sign of a seething, unhappy electorate  that believes that the bums should be thrown out because the country is on the wrong track. That may be so, but you wouldn't know it from the voter turnout.

The voter turnout wasn't large enough for anyone to claim that the country has veered to the right, or that the victors have a mandate. Yet we know President Obama is held in low esteem, although not as low as the risible contempt in which Congress is held.

If the voters didn't come out in large enough numbers to give us a clear reading, how do we know that Obama is on the ropes and that Congress is despised? We know it, without doubt, from the innumerable opinion polls which are now part of the journalistic toolbox.

There is no doubt about the public mood. So why didn't the public vote when there was so much journalistic enthusiasm for the election; when an amazing amount of television time, especially on cable, was given to politics; and when radio goes at politics 24-7?

The paradox may be journalism and its commitment to opinion polls, largely funded by the media. If you know who is going to win the match, why buy a ticket?

The passion in journalism for politics has made politics a victim, robbed it of surprise and tension. I voted without passion because I had a very complete picture of the outcome before I did my civic duty. It was like reading an otherwise gripping who-done-it, when I already knew it was the butler.

The metadata people, like Nate Silver, aren't helping either.

When newspapers are cutting their staffs and budgets are tight, why is political coverage and polling out of Washington thriving? First, it is cheaper to create news than find it. With polls, you scoop the election result. Second, there is a large pot of money for “political issues” advertising that has given rises to a raft of new outlets, forcing old-line media to double down.

Washington politics is no longer a franchise dominated by The Washington Post and The New York Times. It has its own trade media, led by the upstart and well-funded Politico, a big news predator in a show of hungry fish. There is The Hill, Roll Call, National Journal, RealClearPolitics and more than a dozen others,  such as The Cook Political Report and Talking Points Memo.

It is these new entrants, with their access to instant electronic delivery, that have led the change and fueled the frenzy. They are in danger of becoming the game instead of covering it. They have become more interested in what the polls say than what the politicians say.

On Capitol Hill, members of Congress are in bunker mode. They are afraid to say anything or look a bit tired, distressed or unkempt because these ill-considered words and unflattering images will be flashed across the Internet – there to be retrieved at any time, for all time.

There is a joke around Washington that if a member of Congress breaks wind, Politico will have the story. In this new world, every trifle is recorded and archived. Is this the way to foster statecraft in a dangerous and unforgiving world? Let's poll that question, shall we?

Llewellyn King (king@kingpublishing.com), a longtime publisher, editor, columnist and  business consultant, is executive producer and host of “White House Chronicle,” on PBS. 

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Chris Powell: Sex slavery, Democrats, government as a business

odalisque

"La Grande Odalisque''  (1814) by Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres

MANCHESTER, Conn.

Sensing a winning issue, Connecticut Gov. Dannel Malloy used his last debate with his Republican rival Tom Foley to lecture Foley about the name of his yacht, Odalisque, a name derived from the Turkish word for concubine, though it has evolved to include portraiture of the naked female form.

"You have a daughter," Malloy harrumphed at Foley. "Do you really think it's appropriate to have a boat named after a sex slave?"

Foley, a very rich businessman, insisted that his aim in naming the yacht had been to evoke art, not lust, and he cited the works of the French painters Matisse and Ingres. At last the campaign had come upon a subject about which Foley knew something -- just not one involving public policy or likely to make him seem like a man of the people.

But if Foley had known less about art and more about Connecticut he might have turned the tables on the governor, whom of course, won the election. For in one respect sex slavery is actually state government policy, fervently supported by the Democratic Party's most fearsome ideologues.

It happens when abortions result from the sex slavery of minors.

This rationalization of sex slavery was first noticed in 2007 when a West Hartford man was charged with harboring and using as a sex slave a 15-year-old girl who had run away from her home in Bloomfield. Having impregnated the girl, the man sent her to an abortion clinic, where the pregnancy was terminated with no serious questions about the girl's circumstances or about her parents or guardian, with the girl returning to her sex slavemaster. Those who remarked that the case argued for legislation to require parental notification for abortions on minors were denounced as Neanderthals.

A similar case became public in Coventry, Conn., last year with the arrest of the fire chief, who was having frequent sex with a cadet member of the department when she was 15 and impregnated her when she was 16. As a matter of law it was all rape, even at 16, since the girl, as a cadet, was under the chief's authority. The chief also arranged for the girl's abortion without anyone being the wiser. In this case Connecticut's lack of a parental -notification law concealed not only the sustained sexual exploitation of a minor but also an abuse of official power that itself had been specifically criminalized. But this time the horrible circumstances were taken for granted.

For in Connecticut a boat that might have been named after a sex slave is purported to be a political scandal, an affront to the dignity of women generally and children particularly, but sex slavery for children is considered preferable to requiring an inquiry into the rape of minors when abortions are to be performed on them.

* * *

The rhetoric of the recent election campaign in Connecticut was full of the cliche that government should be run more like a business. But that's exactly the problem -- that government in Connecticut already operates like a business, primarily to make money for itself in a monopoly environment rather than to uphold a social obligation and perform a public service.

Student test scores and the explosion in the need for remedial courses show that education has been declining even as its cost is always rising.

A half-century of poverty policy hasn't elevated the poor to self-sufficiency but instead has created and sustained a vicious cycle of dependence and degradation in which nearly half the state's children now grow up without fathers.

Criminal-justice policy serves mainly to give a third of the state's young black and Hispanic men criminal records that leave them unskilled and largely unemployable for most of their lives.

But education, poverty, and criminal justice are the major employment agencies of government, providing livelihoods with great salaries, benefits and pensions to tens of thousands of people regardless of the results of their businesses, results that are never audited but are infinitely more damaging than anything from which the infamous Koch Brothers make their money.

 

Chris Powell is managing editor of the Journal Inquirer, based in Manchester, Conn.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

More goodies for the elderly

payneuntitled  "Untitled,''  by HELEN PAYNE, in the "Helen Payne: Becoming Four Women'' show at the New Art Center, Newtonville, Mass., Nov. 21-Dec. 20. 

 

Rhode Island politicians are falling over themselves to pander to the high-voting elderly by promising them  that they'll pass a law to exempt the old folks (I'm one of them) from having to pay state income taxes on  Social Security and pension money.

This means another goodie for the most affluent part of society and another transfer from those who earn their income to those who live on investments of various kinds, in which I'd include pensions and Social Security.

 

The lost tax revenue will have to be made up by younger, poorer people. If more of the latter bestirred themselves to vote, there would be a lot less of this growing inequity between the age cohorts. Serves them right.

 

This is what you get in a country where in the election last week, only 36.4 percent of eligible voters bothered to vote and the national outcome was decided by about 20 percent of eligible voters.

-- Robert Whitcomb

 

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Carolyn Morwick: The Mid-Terms in New England

BOSTON

The mid-term elections brought New England two new governors. Rhode Island elected its first woman governor, Democrat Gina Raimondo. Massachusetts elected Republican Charlie Baker, a former Harvard Pilgrim CEO and official in the Weld and Cellucci administrations, including a time as secretary of administration and finance. The other four New England states reelected incumbent governors (though Vermont's race is still unofficial). The rundown:

Connecticut voters re-elected Democratic incumbent Gov. Dannel Malloy and Democratic Lt. Gov. Nancy Wyman. Democrats maintained control of the Connecticut General Assembly. Ted Kennedy Jr., a Democrat, was elected to the Connecticut state Senate.

Maine Republican Gov. Paul LePage won re-election for a second term. In the Maine Legislature, Democrats lost control of the Senate, but maintained the majority in the House. Republican Bruce Poliquin was elected to represent Maine's 2nd congressional district, besting former state Sen. Emily Cain, a Democrat and chairwoman of the New England Board of Higher Education.

Massachusetts voters elected Baker and Republican Karyn Polito as lieutenant governor. Democrats maintained control of the House and Senate. In the 6th Congressional District voters elected Seth Moulton to fill the seat formerly held by another Democrat, John Tierney. Bay Staters also voted against repealing the casino law.

New Hampshire voters re-elected Democrats Gov. Maggie Hassan and U.S. Sen. Jean Shaheen. Republicans took back control of the Legislature with majorities in the House and the Senate. In the 1stCongressional District, former Congressman Frank Guinta beat Democrat Carol Shea-Porter.

Rhode Island voters elected former Democratic State Treasurer Gina Raimondo and Democrat Daniel McKee as lieutenant governor. In the Rhode Island General Assembly, Democrats kept control of the House and Senate.

Vermont's governor’s race has yet to be decided. Neither Democratic incumbent Gov. Peter Shumlin nor his opponent , Republican Scott Milne, received 50 percent of the vote. Shumlin had 46.3 percent of the vote and Milne had 45.34 percent. Lawmakers will determine the outcome in January. Democrats maintain control of the House and Senate.

Carolyn Morwick handles government and community relations at  the New England Board of Higher Education (nebhe.org) and is former director of the Caucus of New England State Legislatures.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Marge Baker: Taking stock of the 'Money Mid-Terms'

greco

The 2014 midterm elections sure looked like a blowout for the Republican Party. But leave it to The Daily Show with Jon Stewart to call the real winner: big money.

“Incredible night for money in politics!” gushed one of the show’s satirical correspondents.

Indeed, in the first national elections since the Supreme Court’s McCutcheon v. FEC decision (aka Citizens United) — which removed overall federal limits on contributions to political candidates and party committees — the tidal wave of special-interest spending was even heavier than the most dire predictions.

The “Money Midterms,” as some commentators dubbed them, were the most expensive in history. Local news stations struggled to keep up as they were flooded with ads from super PACs and other outside groups.

The Daily Show is right: The most enduring “winners” in the midterms may be the wealthy interests that bankrolled their candidates of choice and can now expect to have the ears of their chosen representatives.

A tiny fraction of the electorate drove this deluge. As of Oct.  15, just 140 donors had provided more than 60 percent of this cycle’s super political action committee (PAC) contributions. That’s no surprise in a post-Citizens United landscape where corporations and billionaires can spend as much as they want to influence elections.

But it’s not all bad news on the money in politics front. Despite this influx of money — or perhaps in some cases because of it — the 2014 elections also brought a number of hopeful signs that the tide is rapidly turning.

In Florida, Tallahassee voters passed a referendum to cap political contributions in local elections at $250 per donor, among other measures. In Maine, more than 1,000 volunteers collected signatures in support of a ballot initiative to update the state’s clean elections law. Cities across Wisconsin passed referendums against Citizens United. And in Maryland, Republican Larry Hogan will be the first governor of that state to have accepted public financing for his campaign.

And that was just on Election Day.

In September, Atlanta’s city council overwhelmingly passed a resolution in support of a constitutional amendment to overturn decisions like Citizens United, joining more than 550 other towns and cities across the country. In the same month, activists from across the nation made over 15,000 calls to Senate offices backing an amendment to let Congress and the states set reasonable limits on money in elections.

Even during the “Money Mid-Terms,” some politicians took note of this swelling movement. This cycle, we saw candidates from both major parties making campaign finance a theme of their campaigns, reacting to the fact that the push for change is coming from Americans of all political stripes.

The fight to take our elections back from the chokehold of wealthy special interests won’t go away. Americans know that as long as the system is rigged, it’s not going to work for anyone except those doing the rigging.

Anyone who was subjected to the endless barrage of political ads and emails this cycle knows that political spending is out of control. That’s why we’re fighting alongside committed activists around the country to amend the Constitution to overturn decisions like McCutcheon and Citizens United and reclaim our democracy.

The more Americans speak out and challenge their elected officials to take action to address our money in politics problem, the more campaign finance reform will become a pivotal issue that every candidate will have to address in future elections.

So while the 2014 elections exemplified everything wrong with our campaign finance system, they also demonstrated how we’re going to make it right: through the power of ordinary Americans.

Marge Baker is the executive vice  president for policy and program at People For the American Way. She published an earlier version of this op-ed at The Huffington Post., from which it moved to otherwords.org.

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Marisa Angell Brown: Time to get beyond 'wannabe' architecture

vosesucks  

 Vose House,  in Barrington, R.I., by Huygens and Tappe.  Photo courtesy of Tappe Architects, Boston.

Architecture is important in Providence. Unlike  in many other places, people here have strong views about whether they prefer modernist or traditional buildings. As in discussions about local politics, differences in opinion can become toxic when opponents from either “side” meet. This happens every time a new building goes into design, and a familiar cast of characters calls either for cutting-edge contemporary architecture (novel shapes and modern materials) or for a building that respects its “context,” which usually means a red brick building with traditional ornamentation. This conversation has been on acrimonious replay for some time.

The position of both sides has merit. I say this as an architectural historian whose love is modernist architecture – even some of the hard-to-love Brutalist buildings of the 1960s, with their hulking, rough concrete façades and bizarre interiors – but who chooses to live in a  circa-1800 home off of Benefit Street which I love madly. I love this city; in particular, I love walking in this city as its architecture is endlessly interesting, rich and beautiful. We all, even we modernists, are grateful to the preservation movement, which started here in the 1950s, when Antoinette Downing protested the planned destruction of several historic houses on Benefit Street to make way for Brown and Rhode Island School of Design dorms.

But I can’t support the architecture track we are on, of building “wannabe” historic buildings (red brick, usually with some stone detailing taken from classical architecture) because they are noncontroversial – an especially alluring virtue when you are a developer trying to get approval as quickly as possible – or “compromise” buildings, a mix of modernist and traditional design principles that got just enough votes from each camp to secure a green light.

 

Cutting-edge modernism? The few times  that any of the leading design innovators have built here, the results have been tepid – we seem to get the worst of these firms’ work, making it harder for those who value traditional architecture to see the value of thoughtful modernist architecture. What to do?

In the course of recent research, I came across about a dozen homes that were built in Rhode Island between the late 1940s and mid-1980s that are relevant to this conundrum. Some of them were designed by famous or semi-famous architects (Robert Venturi, Charles Moore, The Architects Collaborative, Hugh Newell Jacobson) and some by complete unknowns (Samuel Glaser, Huygens and Tappé, Christopher H.L. Owen). They were built in  Providence, Barrington, Bristol, North Kingstown and on Block Island and run the gamut from city homes to country barns to beach shacks.

They all share a common spirit, a common “both/and” approach: they are constructed of historically regional materials of brick, wood or shingle siding (so they are traditional), but at the same time they are undeniably modern, from the large picture windows that became possible with technological advances in the early 20th Century, to the unexpected placement of small off-center windows that give many of these homes a humorous charm, to their multiple and oddly shaped roof lines or their curious levels and half-levels of interior space.

 

In materials and massing, they fit the “context” of the whole history of architecture in Providence, in Rhode Island and in New England, but in fundamental ways they are of our times (in this, they recall the shingle style homes of the 1880s and 1890s that were built in Rhode Island and throughout New England, whose traditional façades belied asymmetrical, unexpected details and odd bulges of interior space).

Did the clients insist that the buildings bear some relationship to our existing built landscape, or did the architects suggest this direction? Whatever the reason, this little collection of buildings may point the way to a third track in our ongoing debate about architecture here. Maybe we shouldn’t look to architecture firms like Diller Scofidio + Renfro (architects of the Granoff Center, at Brown), Renzo Piano, Frank Gehry or others who think in glass and steel, whether in swoopy forms or crisp geometries or to the second-rate purveyors of “wannabe” traditional – but to such talented and innovative firms as Todd Williams Billie Tsien, Kieran Timberlake and Studio Gang that are using traditional materials in modern ways.

It may be that we do have a history of strong but sensitive modern architecture here, and that unwittingly we have already proceeded a few steps down this track with these projects from the past. I could imagine a scenario in which, guided by the principles of this “both/and” approach, we might begin to build buildings that are worthy of the particular and unique beauty of Providence and that add to its energy and spirit. We can protect our architectural heritage and embrace a certain type of sensitive modernist architecture at the same time; in doing so, we might even blaze a trail for other cities that struggle with this issue.

 

Marisa Angell Brown, Ph.D., is an architectural historian and critic, and the founder and president of genie loci, a cultural resources research and project design firm based in Providence.

 

 

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James P. Freeman: Patrick's contradictory progressivism

  “The man who is swimming

against the stream knows the strength of it”

                        --from “The New Freedom,” Woodrow Wilson, 1913

 

“…if I walked on water,

the headline splash would be: ‘Patrick Can’t Swim’”

--from an address at  Harvard's Kennedy School, Deval Patrick, 2009

 

To a degree, every election is a referendum on activity since the preceding election. It is astonishing, therefore, given two terms, how little  Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick’s record--and the diminished potency of progressivism--played in the gubernatorial race.

 

No sober Democrat candidate channeled his style, but instead checkmated his substance (note the absence too of President Obama—Patrick’s political kindred spirit—on the national stage this past election). Association with Patrick was problematic; he is no longer a sensible reference point.

 

Thoughtful progressives must now consider Patrick a promiscuous progressive, a kind of flirtatious political poseur. Eight years of folly augur a sour legacy. And this may portend that faux popularity coupled with meager achievement will not translate into electoral victory for any future office.

 

The carnival of carnage under his administration would have dismantled the career of any other public servant in a state not controlled by a single party; in Massachusetts it’s a prerequisite for reelection, not recall.

 

Patrick acted with contempt for managing the more mundane, if not untidy, aspects of governance. He was a disengaged observer--not leader or manager--of a large, blameless bureaucracy and a corrupt system of institutional patronage.

 

He was all too willing, in the presence of this monolithic government, to act as its emotional proxy, not trailblazing reformer. He therefore substituted feeling for function. A favorite phrase, honed for maximum impact but of no consequential effect: “We must turn to one another not on one another.”

 

Justina Pelletier’s family turned to the courts after a lengthy battle with  the state Department of Children and Families (DCF), an agency of such severe managerial incompetence it should be shuttered. The Boston Globe reported last Feb. 2 that the death rate among children under DCF supervision averages 9-10 per year. Just two weeks later the governor praised the then-commissioner, as having “done a terrific job.” Since 2007, funding has been cut to DCF by over $100 million. Dysfunctional and overwhelmed, DCF would have been tasked to assist 1,000 unaccompanied refugee children under his plan this past summer.

 

The New England Compounding Center, the state-regulated specialty pharmacy, was responsible for 64 deaths and 750 infections nationwide. The Hinton State Laboratory Institute malfeasance may have tainted tens of thousands of criminal convictions. The non-functioning health Connector Web site affected hundreds of thousands of residents and untold cost in dollars and anxiety.

 

His eloquent, elegant speech, affirming soaring ideals, was a form of distraction from poor executive oversight. Much of it was mixed with rhetorical nonsense. A recent trip to Israel was an “innovation mission.” His attendance at the swearing in of Panama’s president last June was “a great honor for the commonwealth.” And “if we get clean energy right, the whole world will be our customer.”

 

A self-described “pro-growth progressive,” Patrick embodied the new incurable progressive urge: if you can’t fix it, expand it. Instead of simply addressing chronic structural and financial problems at the  Massachusetts Bay Transportation Authority he sought extension of regional transportation networks.

 

Evidence of pro-growth progressivism: One in seven residents receives assistance from Department of Transitional Assistance (DTA); the number of households receiving Food Stamps increased 57 percent from 2009-2012. State expenditures have increased by 24 percent (over $1 billion a year) during the same period, far outpacing the rate of inflation. Unfunded pension liabilities increased from $11.7 billion in fiscal 2007 to over $21 billion in fiscal 2012. Since 2009 property taxes have increased by 25 percent. From 2009 to 2013 child poverty rates rose. (Rates are dropping nationally). The state unemployment rate, now 6percent, is still higher today than in January 2007, his first inaugural, when it was 4.6 percent.

 

If his form of progressivism is confusing it is also contradictory. Patrick called for a “progressive income tax” in 2010, supported a reduction in sales tax (the tax deemed too “regressive”) but signed into law a gasoline tax in 2013, which actually is regressive.

 

With spectacularly scant mention--by a largely fawning  media--during 2012’s senatorial and presidential elections, Patrick swiftly settled a lawsuit (brought by an advocacy group led by Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s daughter, represented by the law firm where Patrick's wife is a senior partner) against DTA, which claimed federal voter-registration violations. Nothing, suggests, however, he settled the massive waste, fraud and abuse that besieged the DTA (1,160 dead recipients of aid; 30,000 missing EBT cards).

 

President Wilson would now sue for trademark infringement on a brand he helped create over a century ago as progressivism’s godfather. He was a serious student of the philosophy, wrote extensively about it and embraced its tenants. Another forefather, former Gov. Michael Dukakis, at least talked about competence.

 

Patrick was never consubstantial with the commonwealth or the creed.

James P. Freeman is a Cape Cod-based writer.

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A private audience

  maid5

"Theater Rehearsal With Maid'' (oil on canvas), by George Hughes. This appeared first on the cover of the Jan. 13, 1951 issue of The Saturday Evening Post.

This image is copyrighted 2014 by The National Museum of American Illustration, Newport, R.I. Photo courtesy of Archives of American Illustrators Gallery, New York, N.Y.

 

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Frank Carini: Southern N.E. fast losing to rising sea

  By FRANK CARINI, editor of ecoRI News, where this article originated.

WICKFORD, R.I

At normal high tide, Rhode Island  becomes a tad smaller.  Now, during a moon tide — the highest of high tides — parts of Rhode Island, such as the Brown Street municipal parking lot in this historic village, routinely flood. Rising seas and decades of poor land-use management are conspiring to reshape Rhode Island and, unless you have gills, the new state map will have much less appeal.

In fact, rising seas present myriad challenges for southern New England, such as saltwater intrusion, accelerating erosion and loss of critical tidal marshes. The Ocean State’s well-being is intimately tied to its 420 miles of coastline and the flow of the tides.

“We’ve made enormous investment in and on our coasts,” said Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse ( D-R.I.) “Resiliency planning is vital to our state’s future. Climate change has baked in a lot of the damage already. There’s going to be a little bit less of the Ocean State in the years ahead.”

The senator noted that the Newport tide gauge shows a 10-inch sea-level rise since the 1930s, and the mean water temperature of Narragansett Bay has increased 4 degrees.

Whitehouse’s concern about climate-change impacts kicked off an Oct. 2 “resiliency walk” along Wickford Harbor. The 2-mile walk began and ended in the Brown Street municipal parking lot, which the tour’s guide, Teresa Crean, noted would be flooded had the event been scheduled during a moon tide.

“We’re standing in a key spot,” said the community planner and coastal management extension specialist with the Coastal Resources Center and Rhode Island Sea Grant. “During moon tides, this parking lot is closed because of tidal inundation. Ducks would be floating here now.”

Instead, the large impervious surface was full of cars, plus some 35 people concerned about the sea creeping closer to homes, businesses and infrastructure. Crean told those gathered that the day’s tide was actually a foot higher than had been predicted.

Change is here, and more is coming, but is southern New England prepared to deal effectively with shifting sands, eroding coastlines, disappearing coastal wetlands and crumbling infrastructure? The evidence suggests this oceanfront region isn’t, despite an abundance of dust-gathering studies, the creation of task forces and commissions, empty proclamations such as declaring October “Salt Marsh Month” and bureaucratic bragging.

The ongoing transformation of southern New England’s coast is unstoppable. But when it comes to addressing the rising tides, reality is routinely ignored.

Elected officials, appointed officials, municipal planners, business owners, voters and beachgoersshould all be demanding, “What are we going to do?” But far to few are even asking the question, and many seem content to let future generations figure it out.

During this past election cycle, for example, the issue of climate change in general and coastal erosion in particular were seldom discussed seriously in any southern New England political race or by any one campaign — a show of stunning ignorance in a region renowned for its beaches, coastal attractions, and dense shoreline development, both commercial and residential.

Smart, informed decisions are the best way to deal with the complex problem that is climate-change impacts. Unfortunately, best decisions are more difficult to make. The pushback against them is well funded and loud.

Instead, a largely dysfunctional political system creates a patchwork of regulations that are enforced on a whim, and recommends best practices that are entirely voluntary. Elected leaders avoid examining difficult questions, such as: When does it become more cost effective to relocate vulnerable properties or retreat from the coast? They continue to hesitate when it comes to making changes that actually matter.

Homes and businesses, such as Ocean Mist, along a stretch of street in South Kingstown are caught between an encroaching sea and Matunuck Beach Road.

Despite seawall construction, beach renourishment and other Band-Aid measures, Rhode Island’s shoreline has lost nearly 300 feet of beach in the past 50 years. Nearly half of the Ocean State’s coastline is unsuitable for hard-structure protections because of severe waves, flooding and erosion, according to the state’s Coastal Resource Management Council (CRMC).

Seawalls and other hard structures also exacerbate erosion at adjacent beaches and neighboring properties. Seawalls are vertical structures often made of concrete or timber, and are driven into the ground to deflect oncoming waves. But this deflected force has to go somewhere. It typically accelerates erosion in front of the wall and/or to the sides. Eventually, erosion occurs behind the wall and the structure is rendered useless.

CRMC prohibits hard structures along Type 1 beaches, such as the exposed southern shoreline in communities from Point Judith to Westerly. Matunuck, Misquamicut and South Kingstown Town Beach, for instance, have lost some 400 feet of beach combined in the past four decades.

In June, however, the state agency voted 5-4 to uphold a 2012 decision, in which it approved a 200-foot-long steel and concrete wall to save a stretch of Matunuck Beach Road, which serves as the only road to many summer homes and waterfront businesses in South Kingstown. Most of the wall will be buried, and it will be capped with a sidewalk and a 3-foot cement wall.

The council’s majority said it had adequately considered the seawall’s environmental impacts. One of the CRMC board members who upheld the earlier ruling noted, “It’s the least-imperfect option of all the imperfect options we have.”

Ocean Mist owner Kevin Finnegan had appealed the original ruling, claiming the structure will damage his nearby property. His popular nightclub and eatery sits over Matunuck Beach, which has eroded significantly in recent decades. His building rests on wooden columns, and the back of his business abuts the road, leaving Finnegan with no room to retreat inland.

After that three-hour hearing in late June, the agency reminded him that he and other shoreline property owners in the area will receive notices that they must remove a wooden stockade-style fence they had installed without authorization behind their buildings.

At some point very soon, highly vulnerable areas along the southern New England coast will need to consider managed retreats, which allow the shoreline to advance inward unimpeded. As the shore erodes, buildings and other infrastructure would be either demolished or relocated inland.

In many situations attempting to stop erosion through structural or non-structural solutions is a losing battle, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). The federal agency says shoreline protection efforts and their ongoing maintenance are costly and ultimately ineffective at preventing further erosion.

A managed-retreat approach is typically less expensive than structural stabilization projects that are often only temporary solutions, especially in high-erosion areas, according to NOAA. This approach also maintains natural shoreline dynamics and enables shoreline habitats to migrate inland as the shoreline erodes to prevent loss of wetlands and other intertidal areas.

Of course, as NOAA correctly notes, a managed-retreat response to sea-level rise and coastal erosion can be politically difficult to implement, especially where significant development has already occurred. Such a move may also cause depreciation of shorefront property values.

Despite armoring sections of the Wickford Harbor shoreline with riprap, the village is at risk of significant damage from 3 feet of sea-level rise.  By 2050, anticipated sea-level rise will vary greatly along the 95,000 miles of U.S. coastline, but the trend is that the tide is getting higher and storm surges more powerful. Southern New England can already attest to both.

On Thanksgiving Day six years ago, a home on Plum Island, on the North Shore of Massachusetts, fell into the ocean. A storm about 200 miles off the coast of Massachusetts generated intense, unforgiving waves that pounded the small barrier island. Five years later, eight more Plum Island houses were washed into the sea. Early this year, a section of rock wall designed to protect another island home didn’t. Powerful waves smashed the home’s deck into pieces.

The Army Corps of Engineers has issued a report noting that erosion along the Plum Island shoreline is claiming an average of 13 feet of sand annually. The report warns that another 26 homes will likely be lost by 2019.

Despite this knowledge and the fact the federal government opted out of funding any improvement and protection of Plum Island beaches three decades ago, the owners of the nine homes lost since 2008 were allowed to rebuild.

During a recent workshop entitled “Rising to the Challenge: Preparing for Sea Level Rise in Southern New England” the moderator asked a room largely full of planners and municipal/state officials if their cities or towns have plans to deal with sea-level rise? Few hands went up.

Most municipalities in Rhode Island, Massachusetts and Connecticut are vastly unprepared for the long-term commitment needed to address climate-change issues such as disaster recovery and disappearing shoreline.

A two-day Southern New England American Planning Association conference held late last month at the Rhode Island Convention Center in Providence was designed to address such issues. The regional conference, entitled “Planning for the Next Wave,” featured dozens of workshops, including the one mentioned above, that focused on community resiliency, sustainability, urbanism and ethics.

The conference’s keynote speaker, Scheri Fultineer, head of the Rhode Island School of Design’s Department of Landscape Architecture, told attendees, “Rising sea levels, changing storm patterns and ecosystem degradation bring challenges to urban coastal regions that test disciplinary boundaries between the professions traditionally charged with planning for and designing our built environments.”

The impacts of climate change, especially along southern New England shorelines and riverbanks, are already being felt and most certainly will become more acute as the years pass.

Wickford and the Newport waterfront are at risk of significant damage from 3 feet of sea-level rise. Coastal roads in Narragansett and Jamestown are at risk of being underwater with a foot of sea-level rise.

A storm drain in Westerly's Watch Hill village  is flowing backward, pumping seawater into a parking lot twice a day during high tide. During heavy rains, storm drains are backing up at the approaches to two bridges along the Barrington-Warren line. The flooding is of concern because the water bogs down the main road that connects the towns.

Deborah Jones, the environmental planner for Groton, Conn., a city with 20 miles of coastline along Long Island Sound, said rising seas mean more water, higher temperatures and stronger storms. Jones, one of three “Rising to the Challenge: Preparing for Sea Level Rise in Southern New England” presenters, noted that Groton experiences more frequent flooding along its coast and rivers. She said brooks overflow onto Route 1, the city’s main east-west roadway.

A few years ago, to deal with climate change and rising seas, the well-meaning Groton Task Force on Climate Change and Sustainable Community recommended, among other things, that the city provide bicycles for staff to use to do inspections and that the city buy some available open space. No bikes have been provided and no open space bought, according to Jones.

Task forces are well intentioned and studies are valuable tools, but if their recommendations are ignored, what’s the point?

Rates of beach erosion along the Westerly shoreline are increasing, prompting the need to relocate some buildings, even those ‘protected’ by a wall of boulders.  Since the region’s shoreline is retreating, it won’t take a big storm to severely damage structures along the coast, according to David Vallee, the hydrologist-in-charge at the Northeast River Forecast Center of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) in Taunton, Mass.

He has noted that 2012 Superstorm Sandy devastated the Rhode Island coast, leveling dunes and destroying property, and the late-October storm wasn’t even a Category 3 or 4 hurricane. It was “just” a severe storm with a “massive wave field” and 4.5-foot storm surge, he said.

Sandy’s glancing blow caused an estimated $42 million in Rhode Island recovery costs.

Global warming — science says decades of growing greenhouse-gas emissions are largely responsible — is changing the jet stream, according to Vallee. He has noted that the Northeast is losing its east-to-west flow of weather systems.  The region’s weather is wetter, and flooding events have increased.

More than 50 percent of Americans, some 164 million people, live in coastal counties, and 1.2 million more are added annually, according to Hilary Kotoun, social impact director for Newport-based Sailors for the Sea.

“This places heavy demands on the unique natural systems and resources that make our coastal areas so attractive and productive,” she wrote in a recent essay. “Coastal ecosystems in the United States have long faced environmental struggles. It’s time we start preserving and restoring these vital habitats.”

The acting director of the U.S. Geological Survey, Suzette Kimball, has said, “Our nation’s coastlines are constantly changing landscapes that pose unique management challenges.”

Southern New England, for the most part, hasn’t been up for the challenge. Most cities and towns along its coast have failed to seriously address the problem of retreating shorelines. Most inland communities have failed to revamp land-use practices to better deal with increased flooding caused by more frequent and intense storms.

Evacuation-route signs don’t address the real problem, and development continues to be seen as a top job creator — often at the expense of ecosystems that help reduce flooding and buffer us from storm surges. Permeable pavers aren’t a substitute for lost natural areas.

But with state and local governments typically more concerned about developers being overburdened with requests for permits and information, it’s difficult to have meaningful conversations about actually reining in development. In many instances, just the opposite is happening.

Last year, in Rhode Island alone, developers introduced 14 bills seeking to ease building regulations. One of those bills, considered the biggest offering for developers in 2013, was the controversial “slopes” bill, which allows unbuildable sloped land to now be included in determining buildable lot sizes.

The controversial measure passed in both the the House and Senate, and Gov. Lincoln Chafeesigned it into law, saying “he wanted to give a leg up to developers.”

The House’s lead sponsor of the bill,  state Rep. Raymond Gallison Jr. (D-Bristol), had this to say during a committee hearing, “There is a lot of confusion surrounding this bill. It simply clarifies the building code for building officials.” He then added, “I don’t know much about the intricacies of the bill. I’d rather let the experts testify on them.”

His experts were, in fact, developers.

The bill was opposed by the Rhode Island chapter of the American Planning Association, the Rhode Island League of Cities and Towns, the Environmental Council of Rhode Island, the Audubon Society of Rhode Island, the Rhode Island Association of Conservation Commissions,Save The Bay, Clean Water Action, the Sierra Club of Rhode Island, the Burrillville Land Trust and the Cumberland Land Trust.

Eight town councils — Charlestown, Exeter, Little Compton, Hopkinton, New Shoreham, North Kingstown, Richmond, South Kingstown and Tiverton — adopted formal resolutions opposing the legislation.

The bill’s opponents cited concern that the legislation would unleash building on dwindling open space. But less-regulated growth again trumped climate reality.

A continued development-at-all-costs approach to economic growth will inevitably diminish one of the region’s top economic drivers: its coastline.

That reality leaves three key questions that need to be addressed. 1) Is enough currently being done by southern New England lawmakers to address climate-related coastal problems? 2) Is enough being done to protect the region’s citizens who are at risk from a rising sea? 3) Is enough being done to build the pubic support needed to implement difficult measures?

An argument certainly could be made that the answer to all three questions is a resounding no.

Twin River Casino in Lincoln has some 12 acres of parking, which included paving over more than 2 acres of a field at the edge of a wetland without town or state consent.

Coastal wetlands are some of the most productive ecosystems on the planet. They are largely responsible for southern New England’s valuable commercial and recreational fisheries. These ecosystems purify water, help reduce storm damage by absorbing wind and wave energy, and provide key wildlife habitat.

Coastal wetlands also are highly susceptible to the impacts of a changing climate. The region’s salt marshes are eroding at an accelerated rate, and projections have shown that Rhode Island alone could lose half of its existing coastal wetlands with 3 feet of sea-level rise.

Both coastland wetlands and their freshwater counterparts help prevent flooding, release vegetative matter that feed fish, and counterbalance the impact of humans by rejuvenating surrounding ecosystems.

How are we protecting these valuable ecosystems from mankind’s less-than-delicate touch? By thinking of them as isolated and independent habitats, and by failing to properly protect them.

In February 2007, for example, two officials from the Rhode Island Department of Environmental Management (DEM) discovered a 308-space parking lot at Twin River Casino in Lincoln, then under different ownership, during an inspection for a separate 9.9-acre parking expansion. The 2.27-acre lot was previously a grassy field on the outskirts of the property.

The parking project wasn’t in any plans the DEM had seen, and it created a significant problem: runoff from the lot drained directly into a nearby wetland. A mound of construction fill within a restricted riverbank wetland area also was discovered during the site inspection.

Despite no application ever being filed for the project with the town or with any state agency, plus the illegal filling of a wetland area, the gambling operation received nothing more than a slap on the wrist.

Twin River had a berm installed to divert runoff from its unauthorized parking lot, and removed the haphazardly dumped fill pile. The smaller parking lot remained, and the other 9.9 acres was given the OK to be bulldozed in favor of 1,370 parking spots.

DEM said the 2.27-acre lot didn’t destroy any “critical” habitat, but the agency tasked with managing the state’s natural resources did note that runoff from the lot channeled into a small pond and wetland area that feeds into Olney Pond, the popular recreation area with a public beach at nearby Lincoln Woods.

“If we lose all of our marshes, we lose our valuable resources,” Janet Freedman, a coastal geologist with CRMC, said during the Oct. 2 resiliency walk.

No easy solutions What can cities and towns do to adapt to these changing conditions? How can state government help? What can property owners and businesses do to protect themselves?

Some would argue the best way to start would be to move beyond the here and now and acknowledge that change can’t be stopped by hardening the shoreline and failing to respect Mother Nature’s design.

Outspoken environmental advocate Greg Gerritt has called public spending to protect the shoreline “magical thinking.” The Providence resident believes we should be spending less public money on adaptation and instead be encouraging retreat from coastal areas. He, like others, believes we can’t continue to allow rebuilding along the coast, and that we should be creating much larger coastal ecological buffers.

But, like the issue of human population growth, the topic of coastal retreat isn’t one society can easily talk about. In fact, the Ocean Mist bar and nightclub is ground zero, at least in Rhode Island, for the climate-change vs. property-rights policy struggle.

Nearby in South Kingstown, the owner of the remaining iconic Browning cottage has dug in, and back, since Sandy’s visit two years ago. The house was one of five large Queen Anne shingle-style summer homes built hundreds of feet from the beach in 1900. Hurricanes in 1938 and 1954 wiped out several of the large structures. Increasing beach erosion since the 1970s prompted the owners to move remaining buildings 50 feet inland. Damage from Sandy led to the demolition of two of the three remaining cottages.

Since the CRMC issued an emergency building permit in 2013, the last home has been pushed back 35 feet, a basement removed and the home elevated atop 16-foot columns made of cement and steel. A 4,500-gallon holding tank was installed in place of a septic system.

Rates of beach erosion are increasing, prompting the need to relocate some buildings along the coast of South Kingstown and Westerly, according to CRMC’s executive director, Grover Fugate. Twenty-six-foot-tall seawalls would be needed to hold back rising waters, he has said.

There is a growing need for public awareness and planning at all levels of government to deal with climate change and the encroaching sea. The time is now for the region’s elected officials to make difficult decisions, even if they upset those who refuse to look past tomorrow.

Meaningful, and not-so-meaningful, efforts to address important climate issues are constantly undermined by a popular special-interest refrain: this or that action will hurt businesses, homeowners and/or families — as if reducing greenhouse-gas emissions, addressing environmental degradation and adapting to sea-level rise will negatively impact society.

This year during several General Assembly hearings to simply enact a statewide ban on plastic shopping bags, lobbyists stormed the Statehouse to scare lawmakers into falsely believing such a ban would bankrupt businesses.

When it came to more significant issues, such as addressing sea-level rise, lobbyists again descended on the Statehouse. A lobbyist for the Rhode Island Association of Realtors told a committee that the cost of adaptation is already crippling property owners. She conveniently failed to mention that it’s also costing taxpayers.

“That’s the issue, the limited budgets (of property owners),” she said, failing to understand that the cost, on all fronts, will only continue to rise.

Important and complex social and economical issues will need to be properly discussed if we want to deal effectively with the fact southern New England’s coastline is shrinking. The best answers also will require sacrifice.

“To address these issue it will require behavioral changes and land-use changes,” Crean said at the end of last month’s resiliency walk. “We need to pay attention to this issue.”

Editor’s note: The University of Rhode Island Graduate School of Oceanography and the University of Rhode Island Coastal Resources Center are holding a two-day symposium in early December at Salve Regina University to educate coastal-area business owners and local decision-makers on how to reduce the impacts of flooding on their businesses and their communities. 

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Llewellyn King: New GOP solons will soon love Big Government

  Welcome to Washington, new members of Congress. It is a city of museums, statues, self-importance and arcane ways.

After a post-campaign vacation, you will be ready to take on the world — or at least this city — and begin to make things right. You are coming here to cut through the crap, straighten out the mess, to return the people's government to the people.

You are feeling good, even invincible. This sense of euphoria and possibility is normal. It is nothing to be worried about — and it will pass.

As most of the new class is Republican, you are going to stop the rot come what may. No more liberal shenanigans, no more creeping socialism, no more welfare state, no more European-style mollycoddling of the undeserving.

You are going to loosen the shackles on business and watch it rise like a jolly green giant who has shaken off his captors, including the Bureau of Land Management, the Fish and Wildlife Service, the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, the Department of Energy, the Environmental Protection Agency and the Internal Revenue Service.

Oops! Before we go any further, maybe you should pick a target.  The EPA and  the IRS are very unpopular — those two are enough for now.

It goes without saying that you are against Obamacare and that should be repealed, or go unfunded, or be replaced with something. Be careful: It may not be as unpopular with your constituents as it is at the country club.

But do not let things like that worry you. You have been elected to Congress. Hallelujah! Reality will not set in until you get to your first caucus, or you see the lousy office you have been assigned, or you learn that that committee appointment you cherished is not coming your way.

Again, worry not. You are about to make a lot of new friends; really nice people, people who will do anything you ask. They have advice about where to live, whom to hire, what schools to send the little ones to — if you have not already decided to leave them back home, which you may when you find out the cost of housing in Washington.

Anyway, the new friends will help you through the intricacies of being a member of Congress. They will advise you on which forms to fill in, how to get your expense reimbursements. Such helpful people. They will also give you advice on issues that are new to you, like net neutrality, the Law of the Sea, and the reason companies have to move overseas.

Amazingly, they also have tickets to wonderful sports events with local teams: the Redskins (football), the Capitals (hockey), the Nationals (baseball). They also have tickets to cultural events, from plays at the Kennedy Center to exhibitions at the National Gallery of Art. It helps so say you love the arts when you are railing against the National Endowment for the Arts, PBS and NPR.

These new friends are the lobbyists, and they have your number already. They know what you like to drink or eat, and whether you prefer to bike, hike or sail. Everything can be arranged. Trust them. They will also guide you on delicate legislative issues; no pressure, just guidance. And who are you to refuse a friend?

Dear Democrats, you are not forgotten but not well remembered either. Your party lost, and you know what that makes you. For two years you must walk the halls of Congress mumbling about income redistribution; how many successes President Obama actually chalked up, but failed to trumpet; and cursing, under your breath, the presence of money in politics — unless it is union money.

There will also be real pleasure for you in thinking up hateful things to say about the new Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, and be quoted saying them in social media.

Whatever your party, as your first term wears on, you will get to feel at home on Capitol Hill. You will know how to play the lobbyists, one against the other, and how to discomfort the leadership of your own party. But mostly, you will come to love Big Government. Welcome to the Washington elite.

Llewellyn King (lking@kingpublishing.com) is executive producer and host of "White House Chronicle'' on PBS and a longtime editor, columnist and business consultant.

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Those confusing brands of Indians

  Indians

 

 

Images by ANNU PALAKUNNATHU MATTHEW,  in a show called "Annu Palakunnathu Matthew: An Indian from India,'' at the Art Gallery of the University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth's New Bedford campus Nov. 13-Jan. 25.

 

The gallery's notes say:

 "The idea, though humorous at first glance, is actually a challenging mediation on the legacies of colonial pasts that were marked by painful attempts to 'civilize' native people - if not reduce them to nameless types.''
The naming of Native Americans (a more precise phrase would be Siberian Americans) as "Indians'' by Columbus, who thought he had reached India instead of a whole new hemisphere, speaks to this comical/sad confusion.
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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Mass. hospital closing mirrors national situation

For-profit Steward Health Care System's decision to close Quincy Medical Center, on Boston's suburban South Shore, is being replicated around America, as healthcare reform,  the move to value-based payments from fee for service, the move from inpatient to outpatient populations, the power of the prestige of teaching hospitals and other factors that have  left some hospital markets saturated. We at Cambridge Management Group (cmg625.com), a healthcare consultancy, have been watching this process  around America.

 

-- Robert Whitcomb

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Medicare for all would have been better

More and I more I feel as if I have always been right on U.S healthcare reform. Instead of the overly complicated Clinton and then Obama proposals, those administrations should have pushed all out to extend Medicare to every0ne. They didn't want to take on the insurance companies but pushing Medicare for all would have been a much  clearer, and therefore easier,  fight for these administrations if they had summ0ned the will at the start to take on the K Street lobbyists. After all, even the Tea Party types constantly talked about the need to "save Medicare.'' (That's in part because the Tea Partyers include a lot of older people getting or about to get Medicare.)

If it is so great for old people, why not for everyone? Much lower overhead than the private insurers, easier paperwork and fair.

 

--- Robert Whitcomb

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A trio of dubious remarks in the news

  The day is young, but here are most idiotic remarks I was reminded of today on the radio:

American Kenneth Bae "thanking'' his North Korean captors for releasing him when in fact his arrest by the verminous Kim dynasty,  run by mass murderers, torturers and kleptocrats, was yet another outrage by a criminal government.

 

Apple CEO Tim Cook saying a couple of weeks back that he was "proud'' to be gay. What's there to be proud of anymore than you should be proud of having brown eyes?

Then there's President Obama's' stupid promise that the U.S. would not put in ground troops in Iraq again. For one thing, he has.  (They are officially ''advisers''.) For another, presidents must always make sure our enemies know that  we will act very firmly to protect our interests. And keep 'em guessing on how. Is Obama really as ingenuous as he sometimes seems?

 

And never, ever tell our enemies that we will do something to them if they do something bad and then don't do it. That's what happened when President Obama told Syria's murderous Assad regime not to  stop using chemical weapons. Obama drew a "red line'' on the issue. Assad then proceeded to murder over a thousand people with poison gas and we did nothing. Obama's credibility has never recovered, and his inaction encouraged other corrupt dictators, most n0tably Vladimir Putin, to do what they get a sort of sexual charge out of doing -- ever expanding their power.

 

Old Joe Kennedy had a good line: "Never tell anyone to go to hell unless you can send him there.''

 

-- Robert Whitcomb

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David Warsh: The science of U.S. financial panics

   

Some professors find a second wind when they stop teaching.  Norman Maclean wrote A River Runs Through It after he retired from the University of Chicago, in 1973. Fifteen years later, he published a sequel, Young Men and Fire.   Samuel Hynes, of Princeton University, has a hit on his hands with The Unsubstantial Air: American Fliers in the First World War – at 90!  Charles P. Kindleberger published Manias, Panics, and Crashes: A History of Financial Crises after becoming emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1976 and then kept writing for another twenty-five years.

Meet Elmus Wicker, economic historian, of Indiana University.  Since his retirement, in 1993, Wicker has published three slim, dense, but thoroughly accessible and strangely graceful books, each about 150 pages long.  Any one of them would be easy to overlook, but together they represent detailed portraits of three of the four signal events in the monetary history of the United States since 1867.

They are The Banking Panics of the Gilded Age (Cambridge University Press,  1996); The Great Debate on Banking Reform: Nelson Aldrich and the Origins of the Fed (Ohio State University Press, 2005); and The Banking Panics of the Great Depression (Cambridge, 2000). What’s missing?  Only a narrative of the fourth such episode, the banking panic of 2008. As Wicker has written:  “The recent financial crisis came as a total surprise. I never expected to see a reoccurrence in my lifetime.” Neither did anyone else.

That’s why a substantial fraction of the small community of economists who take seriously the historical perspective on central banking traveled to Bloomington, Ind.,  in rolling hills 40 miles southwest of Indianapolis, for a day-long conference last month to honor the 88-year-old Wicker.

Ellis Tallman, of Oberlin College and the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland, who, with Eric Leeper, of Indiana University, organized the conference, recalled,  “I ran into Elmus at an economics conference in 1995 or so. I asked him why he was attending, since I’d been told he had retired. He replied, ‘Ellis, retirement means doing only what you like to do.’” Wicker clearly enjoyed the proceedings. “Rarely [otherwise] does anyone recognize your presence [in the field],” he said.

Speakers included Charles Calomiris, of Columbia University; High Rockoff, of Rutgers University; Richard Sylla, of New York University; Gary Gorton, of Yale University’s School of Management; Jeremy Atack, of Vanderbilt University; Mary Tone Rodgers, of the State University of New York at Oswego; George von Furstenberg, of Indiana; James Boughton, of the International Monetary Fund; Gary Richardson, of the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond; David Wheelock, of the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis; Will Roberds of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta; and Al Broaddus, former president of the Richmond Fed.

Wicker was born in 1926, in Lake Charles, La. He graduated at  18  from Louisiana State University, received a master’s in 1948 there and spent the next three years as a Rhodes Scholar at Queens College, Oxford. John Hicks, already famous as a mathematical economist, was his tutor. Wicker received his Ph.D. from Duke University in 1956.

By then he was teaching at Indiana University and there he remained for the next 40 years, a legendarily demanding teacher who led the movement to establish an honors college and helped launch a second good department of economics in Bloomington, at the business school.  Wicker to students, circa 1969: “If some of you don’t flunk this examination, I’ll swim to Moscow and back!”  Voice from the rear of the hall, “Why back?”

Throughout, Wicker’s intellectual journey has closely paralleled the joint project of Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz, whose landmark book, A Monetary History of the United States 1867-1960, called attention to the banking panics of the 1930s. So little-noted had these been in the tumult of the onset of the Great Depression that they were all but forgotten until 1962, when Friedman and Schwartz assigned great significance to the collapse of banking and credit.

Wicker’s first book, Federal Reserve Monetary Policy 1917-1933 (Random House). appeared in 1966. Its concluding chapter: “From Easy Money to the Collapse of the Banking Mechanism: 1932-1933.” For the next  15 years, he conducted a kind of siege warfare against strict monetarist interpretations of the Great Depression.  A colleague arranged an introduction to Schwartz, a National Bureau of Economic Research associate of sterling reputation.  She and Wicker became mutual admirers. A money and banking textbook, written with his friend Boughton, never saw a second edition, but by then the ever-closer attention Wicker paid to the events of the early '30's had begun to pay off.

The galvanizing event, Wicker later wrote, was discovery on a library shelf of John McFerrin’s “remarkable but largely neglected” study of Caldwell and Co., the largest investment banking house in the South, whose failure in 1930 precipitated runs on 120 banks in four states.  The collapse of this “Morgan of the South” turned out to be far more important than New York’s unfortunately-named Bank of the United States, a commercial bank serving a mainly immigrant population to whose failure Friedman and Schwartz had attached great significance.

Wicker published two journal articles based on his discoveries, but not until retirement was he able to set down his reinterpretation of the events of the  '30s's  in book form. His verdict?  It was complicated – far more complicated than the simple story of Fed ineptitude that Friedman and Schwartz had given their readers to believe.

By then, however, Calomiris and Gorton, working together, had raised a new set of questions about the possibility that the Fed had helped turn an ordinary recession into a deep depression.  They argued in a 1991 paper that the nature of banking panics had fundamentally changed after the Fed was created to take over responsibilities previously shouldered collectively by the banking industry itself.

Hence Wicker’s second book, a close look at panics in the period governed by the National Banking Acts of 1863 and 1864, culminating in the Panic of 1907. His conclusion, “The New York Clearing House bungled a once-and-for-all opportunity for effective voluntary action to forestall banking panics and thereby ward off the establishment of a government central bank, voluntary action failed, and government intervened to fill the vacuum.”  The third book, an examination of the political debate through which the Fed was put together, follows naturally in turn.  A fourth manuscript, an examination of the Fed’s attempts to pop stock market bubbles, as in the poorly-timed tightening of 1928, awaits a publisher.

Wicker’s books are expensive -- $130 if you wanted to buy all three. I wish someone would put them together in a single paperback edition, perhaps with some new material and a foreword by one of the younger scholars. It would make a readable tour of banking history for the general reader, with enough theory thrown in to understand something of economists’ disagreements about the facts. It would give the most energetic and scrupulous critic of Friedman and Schwartz some of the visibility he deserves. More important, it would broaden understanding of what happened in 2008, by putting those events where they belong – in historical perspective.

David Warsh, a longtime financial journalist and economic historian, is proprietor of Boston-area-based economicprincipals.com.

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