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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Red menace

gaudio "Black and Red, April 25, 2007'' (silkscreen and flocking on museum board), by DONALD SULTAN, at in the  "Black, White & Red All Over,'' show, Dec. 5-Feb 24, at Heather Gaudio Fine Art, New Canaan.

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Peter Hart: Big Media's bad advice for Democrats

Before anyone even knew just how badly the Democrats would get trounced in the 2014 midterm elections, some pundits were already sending the party a message: Be more like the Republicans.

Now they don’t put it that way, exactly.

The professional campaign watchers like to say instead that the Democratic Party needs to move to the “middle” or the “center.” What they mean is that the Democrats should get closer to the Republicans on the issues.

Think about this for a second.

The turnout for the mid-term elections was the lowest for a mid-term in 70 years. Can we really expect more people to get excited about voting if the two major political parties become more like one another?

It doesn’t make much sense, but that’s Big Media’s remedy

For example, after Senate Democrats voted to give the populist Sen. Elizabeth Warren, of Massachusetts, a leadership role in their caucus, CBS host Bob Schieffer said that it was “going to leave the impression that the party is moving to the left,” when the advice from “a lot of people” is that nothing will get done in Washington unless “both parties move toward the center.”

USA Today actually recommended that Barack Obama steal an idea from post-Iran/Contra Scandal Ronald Reagan and apologize on TV. What for? The newspaper didn’t say.

The problem, as The New York Times saw it, was that the Democrats had gone too far to the left under Obama: “Democrats largely abandoned the more centrist, line-blurring approach of Bill Clinton to motivate an ascendant bloc of liberal voters,” the paper insisted.

But that’s a dubious description of Obama-era Democrats.

On foreign policy, after all, the White House has escalated the war in Afghanistan, carried out drone attacks on several countries, helped engineer a disastrous Libyan War, and is now going back into Iraq.

The centerpiece of Obama’s domestic policy, meanwhile — the Affordable Care Act — was borrowed from Mitt Romney, who established a similar initiative as the governor of Massachusetts. And the law’s “individual mandate” to buy insurance was first cooked up by the right-wing Heritage Foundation.

But if that’s what the media considers veering left, what do Beltway insiders think  that the White House should do to make up for it?

For them, the first order of business is, well, big business: Obama should push through the secretive, corporate-friendly Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal. People who actually turned up to vote must find this peculiar, since almost no one was talking up the deal before Election Day.

What else should Obama do, according to these pundits? Approve the highly controversial Keystone XL pipeline, which would pump dirty tar sands oil from Canada down to the Gulf Coast for refining.

Why would a president who says he cares about the climate crisis do this? To be more bipartisan, apparently.

Does any of this sound like the message voters were sending?

Not at all.

In fact, one of the most intriguing findings to come out of the 2014 exit polls was that the majority of voters think  that the economic system favors the wealthy: 63 percent of respondents said so, up from 56 in 2012.

This would suggest that a more vigorous brand of economic populism would resonate with voters — even if the pundits would hate it.

Peter Hart is the activism director of Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting  (www.fair.org). This was distributed via OtherWords (www.OtherWords.org).

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Thanksgiving thoughts

  How much of the arson, vandalism, rioting and other violence connected with the Ferguson, Mo., mess is because of honest outrage about  perceived and real racism and how much is because some people, especially the young, enjoy the excitement of destruction? The electronic news media, for their part, did everything they could to hype up the potential of violence, and thus did their part to increase it.

 

xxx

 

The annual Thanksgiving recipe marathons on radio, TV and the newspapers are an overdose of Ambien.  They're  rapaciously repetitive and usually with some sort of a commercial angle. It's the industrial-strength start of the endlessly tedious  and loud American holiday season that, if we could afford it, we'd go  to Patagonia every year to avoid.

--- Robert Whitcomb

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

'Coalition of Reason' rides RIPTA

New England Diary just received this press release from the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason (www.RICoR.org): "Godless? So are we."

These words, superimposed over an image of a curling surge of surf, now appear on 10 prominent king-size bus ads across Rhode Island. Their appearance marks the formal launch of the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason, a new organization comprised of six non-theistic (atheist and agnostic) groups in the state.

"We want to make our presence in the community known,” said  Tony Houston, coordinator of the Rhode Island Coalition of Reason.

Houston added: "Non-theistic people are your family members, friends, neighbors and co-workers. We may not believe in a deity or the supernatural, but we are compassionate, ethical members of this community. We would like to encourage local atheists, agnostics, freethinkers, skeptics, secularists and humanists to stand up and be counted. If you are a Rhode Island nonbeliever, know that you are not alone."

Hi-res images of the bus ads, prominently displayed on the sides of Rhode Island Public Transit  Authority (RIPTA) buses, can be found at http://unitedcor.org/national/news/godless-bus-ads-blanket-rhode-island. The images are free for media use. The bus ads will remain up through Dec.  24, 2014.

These ads are part a coordinated nationwide program that began in 2009. From then to now, 60 similar campaigns have been launched in 37 states and the District of Columbia by the United Coalition of Reason (UnitedCoR). UnitedCoR provided the $6,200 in funding for the Rhode Island campaign.

"The point of our national advertising campaigns is to reach out to the millions of atheists, agnostics and humanists living in the United States," explained Jason Heap, national coordinator of UnitedCoR. "Non-theists sometimes don't realize there's a community for them because they're flooded with theistic messages at every turn. So we hope our efforts to raise awareness will serve as a light in the darkness to let them know they aren't alone."

"Being visible is important to us," Heap concluded, "because, in our society, non-theistic people often don't know many like themselves."

This campaign is the latest in a nationwide effort to reach out to non-theists. There have been similar billboards, bus ads or Internet campaigns in Arizona, Arkansas, California, Colorado, Florida, Idaho, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin and West Virginia.

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Robert Whitcomb: Immigration, a bridge, 'royalists' and Rockefeller

President Obama is making a big mistake in seeking to protect millions of illegal aliens from prosecution by executive order.

While presidents have considerable legal discretion in individual deportation cases, giving amnesty to whole classes of people who broke the law in entering the U.S. stretches to the breaking point proper presidential powers. And remember that Congress has already debated — but not passed — legislative ideas similar to what the president would do, which also undermines his case.

Yes, Congress has long irresponsibly avoided fixing the immigration mess. No wonder the president is frustrated. Republicans, for their part, are torn between the campaign cash of businesses that love cheap illegal-immigrant labor, much of it at or below minimum wage, and nativist Republicans who feel culturally and economically swamped by the alien hordes. Cheap immigrant labor has helped undermine American wages, by some accounts as much as 8 percent.

Many illegal aliens are doing jobs that used to be considered entry jobs entirely for Americans, especially young Americans — a foot in the door of the economy. Some of these were summer jobs that helped pay a lot of college tuition.

Still, there’s no immediate new crisis in immigration. The numbers of those coming across the Mexican border have been declining lately.

That doesn’t mean that it’s not a very bad problem. But the situation doesn’t justify acting in legally dubious, delegitimizing ways that will tend to give a green light to more people to come here illegally, with economic and national-security implications.

If the president and the new Republican-led Congress cannot agree on immigration reform, then they should put off its resolution until, if necessary, one party controls Congress and the White House. Until then, here’s a simple proposal: More firmly enforce the laws on the books. To be fair, note that the Obama administration has deported record numbers of illegals.

ANOTHER THOUGHT on the mid-term elections: The Democrats’ biggest mistake was, out of fear of offending its big-money backers, it took no strong stand against those whom Franklin Roosevelt called “economic royalists” in pushing for a better deal for the middle class.

This is what happened back when Democrats failed to fight for extending Medicare to everyone, rather than coming up with the labyrinthine (and GOP-inspired!) Affordable Care Act. The Democrats need a clear message. In the last election, the perception was that the Democrats really didn’t stand for anything. The high-voting Republicans clearly stood for something: To block Barack Obama at every turn. The president may be standing for something in his immigration plans, but he’s doing it in the wrong way.

AS A RESIDENT of Brooklyn in the ’70s, when New York City was falling apart, I enjoyed the recent Associated Press article about that borough (“Once mocked, Brooklyn emerges as global symbol”).

It has become a symbol of innovation, renewal, gentrification, locavore restaurants and tech startups, with many young Silicon Valleyish types. (One of my daughters recently left Brooklyn for Los Angeles complaining that she was tired of living in a place “where everyone is 25.”)

Somewhat similar transformations have occurred in other old urban areas, including parts of Providence. And even Detroit may be at the very start of a revival.

When I worked in Lower Manhattan and lived in Brooklyn my co-workers acted as if I were commuting to Outer Mongolia. Now it’s where Wall Street types want to be. Never give up on a city!

IF THERE’S one thing that Republicans and Democrats ought to agree on, it’s the nation’s physical infrastructure, especially transportation. And yet key parts of it are falling apart.

Consider the 100-year-old Portal Bridge, part of the underfunded but very heavily traveled Northeast Corridor of Amtrak and local commuter trains. New Jersey Transit, which runs the Garden State’s commuter trains, says that problems on the old bridge caused more than 200 delays from the start of 2013-through July 2014! And that’s far from the only bottleneck on the Northeast Corridor. The aging system (which also needs more tracks) is also a particular mess around Baltimore, as those awaiting northbound trains in New York’s squalid, claustrophobia-inducing Penn Station can especially confirm.

Now there’s a belated plan to replace the Portal Bridge. But with much of American commerce flowing on the Northeast Corridor, the whole stretch must be rebuilt in the next decades. Even with all its flaws (especially when compared with European service), Northeast Corridor train service is a huge wealth creator. If fixed, it can be a much bigger one.

READ Richard Norton Smith’s “On His Own Terms: A Life of Nelson Rockefeller,’’ about the charismatic, dyslexic master builder, arts patron and would-be president, who was decisive about many things but not about how to run for president. Rockefeller once said: "I'm not bright. I'm imaginative.'' But he was very bright sometimes, and usually very imaginative -- sometimes too much so.

For years, he represented the  GOP's "Eastern Establishment,'' but his party moved south and west on him. By 1964, when asked by backers to call in the “Eastern Establishment,”   he replied: “You’re looking at it, buddy. I’m all that’s left.”

Robert Whitcomb oversees New England Diary. 

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Charles Chieppo: Boston Olympics could be fiscal fiasco

 BOSTON

Boston, Los Angeles, San Francisco and Washington, D.C., are vying to be the  U.S. entry into the competition to host the 2024 Summer Olympics. The United States Olympic Committee (USOC) will make its selection later this winter, and word is that Boston has the inside track.

In a statement, the group spearheading Boston's effort wrote, "If Boston is selected by the USOC, a thoughtful and robust public process will begin ..." But the time for such a process is now, not after the USOC makes its selection.

Until now, neither Boston nor the state has taken any official action regarding efforts to host the Olympics. What has instead passed for process is hardly encouraging to those seeking fairness and transparency.

An exploratory committee was assembled, but far from being neutral, it was stacked with Olympics boosters. No local economists were named to the committee, and its report included no independent cost estimate. Supporters say they have conducted "extensive and comprehensive" feasibility studies that include how the Olympic Village and stadium would be reused. For those of us who have been involved in what passed for processes around building and expanding convention centers, these steps are eerily familiar and hardly reassuring.

Boosters say hosting the 2024 Summer Games would require $5 billion in new construction, which they claim would be privately financed. They estimate that the state would have to spend $6 billion on infrastructure.

But those numbers don't stack up with data on the cost of hosting recent Summer Olympics, which has averaged more than $19 billion since 2000. Sponsorships, television, licensing, ticket and merchandise sales generally bring in $5 billion to $6 billion, less than half of which goes to the host city.

Signing on the dotted line includes a pledge by host cities that the games will go forward as planned regardless of the cost. That leaves state and local taxpayers on the hook for overruns, which experience teaches us are both assured and significant. Final costs average about three times the estimates included in initial bids.

It took Montreal 30 years to pay off its debt from hosting the 1976 Summer Olympics. Paying back $11 billion from Athens's hosting of the 2004 summer games was one of the reasons for Greece's subsequent debt crisis.

These costs haven't gone unnoticed. In 1995, there were nine applicants from around the world to host the 2002 Winter Games that were held in Salt Lake City; this year, just two cities are vying to host the 2022 Winter Olympics.

For Boston and the other American cities with an eye to hosting the 2024 Summer Olympics, the public's money -- and a lot of it -- is at stake. The public should not have to wait until one of those cities is anointed by the USOC to have its say.

Charles Chieppo is a research fellow at the Ash Center at Harvard University.  This piece originated on the Web site of Governing magazine (governing.com). We run it with Mr. Chieppo's permission.

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Llewellyn King: Chronic Fatigue Syndrome takes victims hostage

  T.S. Eliot may have had it wrong: The cruelest months are November and December, when the holidays are upon us, not April. For those who are broken – broken in all the ways that people can be broken -- the holidays are a special hell.

The bedridden, the incarcerated, the mourners, the maimed from accidents, disease or wars, the heartbroken – either those who have had their hearts broken by lovers or others, or those who have had no one in their lives -- endure the holidays in anguish, hurting even more than the permanent hurt that has become their lives.

You may find the broken in the corners at parties, sitting glumly at the table. But the real suffering is unseen; the real sufferers cannot make it to the table – or dare not for fear that the outing will cost them later. The brave face can mask the deepest hurt.

They are the permanently sick. Those who will be sick today, sick tomorrow and sick in the next holiday season as they were in the last.

There are people who suffer constant illness in all the myriad ways that a body can be afflicted or fail. No afflicted cohort is more deserving of understanding than another; none has a greater call for science to redouble its efforts for a cure than another.

But the effort to find cures is woefully skewed by the institutions of medicine, by the pharmaceutical companies and by those diseases that have celebrity champions, informing the public and the politics of research institutions. Yes, there is always politics and so there are winners and losers. Celebrities can help: Elizabeth Taylor did so for AIDS, Jerry Lewis for Multiple Sclerosis, and Michael J. Fox is doing so for Parkinson’s disease.

I write and broadcast about one disease in particular, Myalgic Encephalomyelitis (ME), also called Chronic Fatigue Syndrome. It is a disease largely orphaned by the medical community which has no test for it -- cannot say with assurance that a patient has it until months of debility validate that it is ME. In medical parlance, there are no biological markers. What is known is that it is almost certainly a disease of the immune system, and that there is no cure. It also has no celebrity benefactors and no lobby in Washington.

I think of it as a terrorist disease, which takes its patents hostage and confines them in an alternative world of muscle pain, headaches, diarrhea, dizziness, brain fog and almost permanent collapse. Some are  hurt by light, others by sound.

One sufferer says that having ME is like being an engine without fuel: Your tank is empty and you hurt in new and refined ways almost daily. Sufferers go through long periods of disability where they cannot function at all. “I thought I was already in my coffin,” another told me.

The joys are few and sometimes from little things, like a pet or nature observations. One sufferer, Elisabeth Tova Bailey, wrote a wonderful book, The Sound of a Wild Snail Eating. It is about the habits of a snail in a terrarium next to her bed, during two years of sustained collapse.

This is a disease that steals lives, chains them up in dungeons of despair where loneliness and suffering reach “excruciating proportions,” according to my colleague, Deborah Waroff, whose life was snatched by this disease 25 years ago. Together Waroff and I established a YouTube channel on ME, mecfsalert.

The loved ones, and the caregivers – if there are any -- are enslaved by this disease, seeing those they care about in a place where neither love nor medicine can reach them. Literally and figuratively, they must fluff the pillows once again and mouth the empty words -- lies really -- of encouragement that we all utter in the face of hopelessness. Those who live on their own, often in poverty and sloth they cannot ameliorate for themselves, suffer what one woman told me was such sustained loneliness that she prayed nightly for death.

Thanksgiving, Christmas, Hanukah, Kwanzaa and New Year's Eve are on the way. Sadly, while the rest of us are suffused with joy, the permanently ill take stock and find their lives are terribly wanting and isolated on the holidays.

Llewellyn King (lking@kingpublishing.com) is executive producer and host of “White House Chronicle” on PBS.

 

 

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A nation of civic slobs

The  grossly overpaid healthcare economist Jonathan Gruber has been pilloried for making fun of the ignorance of the American public in the healthcare debate that led up to the enactment of the Affordable Care Act. But he's right: When it comes to even minimally educating themselves about important public issues, the American public is astonishingly lazy. Most  citizens  don't even bother to vote in non-presidential-election years. They are civic slobs, even as they whine about what the government does.

36.4 percent of eligible citizens voted on Nov. 4. That means that less than 20 percent of those eligible to vote determined the the overall outcome of the national election.

Indeed, it seems that the more information that is available to citizens in the great swamp  of the Internet,  and the easier voting is made, the lazier  they get as citizens.

18- to-29-year-olds made up 13 percent of the midterm electorate,  down from 19 percent in the 2012 presidential election .

Some 22 percent of 2014 voters were 65 and older, up from 16 percent in 2012.

Thus you can expect  legislation that favors the old (such as tax laws that give preference to investment income over earned income) to continue to dominate measures that favor the young.

 

 

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'Water Stories' at the Museum of Science

Neely  

Installation by ANNE NEELY in her show "Water Stories: A Conversation in Painting and Sound''  at the Museum of Science, in Boston, through Jan. 5.

 

The museum says that show showcases  14  paintings that came from Neely's exploration of the following water issues: ""Mismanagement & Overuse, pertaining to the Colorado River and the Ogallala Aquifer; Contamination and Pollution, using the recent coal spill into the Dan River and the algae bloom in western Lake Erie; Climate Change, which focuses on Hurricane Sandy, the Alaskan Glacier melt and the drought in America's breadbasket; and Water Mining, which explores the Marcellus Shale in Pennsylvania and water tapping in Maine's spring waters.''

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

David R. Godine: Hero of the book

For those who love the physical book  when it's produced to be a thing of  beauty, this Boston Globe  story about  the great New England-based  independent publisher David R. Godine is an inspiration. Even in these  Amazonian days, publishers who see books as both an intellectual and physical art form can still sometimes make money, especially when the publisher's list turns out to include an obscure (in America) writer who has just won a Nobel Prize in Literature. That's what just happened with French writer Patrick Modiano.

 

"You bet we're going to make a lot of money off Modiano. You publish a Nobel Prize winner, you'd have to shoot yourself in the foot not to make a lot of money,'' he told The Globe.

But as his career has proven,  profit is not why Mr. Godine got into the book business. Rather, he became a publisher because of his love of the craft that started before he made his first book while at Dartmouth College, a book that,  The Globe reports, involved picking ''poems in Latin, Italian and French and using a variety of typefaces to print them as they originally appeared.''

 

I  have reviewed some of the  elegant volumes published by Mr. Godine over the past 40 years, and have met him a few times. He deserves much praise as  a quiet but relentless advocate for an essential part of our culture.

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Candace Clement/Timothy Karr: Battling for Net Neutrality

Earlier this month, President Barack Obama added his voice to the nearly 4 million people who have urged the Federal Communications Commission to preserve the open Internet and protect free speech online.

The president’s statement was a clear, concise directive on how the FCC should handle the question of Net Neutrality — the principle that prevents Internet service providers from blocking or interfering with online traffic by creating “fast lanes” for a few powerful companies while relegating the rest of us to a slower tier of service.

Obama first expressed his support for Net Neutrality when he was a presidential candidate in 2007, and he’s since spoken in favor of the principle on several occasions.

But this time was different: Obama finally got specific, calling on the FCC to reclassify broadband under Title II of the Communications Act. Reclassifying would provide the solid legal foundation needed to stop companies like AT&T, Comcast, and Verizon from becoming gatekeepers online.

Obama’s statement was a high-profile moment in a year where a once-obscure issue has drawn front-page coverage — and galvanized activists nationwide.

The street outside the FCC’s headquarters was home to a two-week protest encampment in May. And a rally in Washington, D.C. drew huge crowds on May 15, when FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler released proposed rules that would allow rampant discrimination online.

Activists shadowed Obama on a fundraising trip to California over the summer. Protests took place in Manhattan and Philadelphia on September 15, the deadline for comments on the FCC proposal.

On Sept.  10, 40,000 Web sites participated in the Internet Slowdown, an online day of action where sites greeted visitors with slow-loading pop-ups to show the world what a non-neutral Internet would look like.

Earlier this month, in response to reports that the FCC was considering new rules that would still permit the creation of fast lanes, vigils were held everywhere from Austin to Boston to Chicago to Minneapolis. And over the course of the fall, people’s hearings have taken place in Brooklyn, San Francisco, and Texas.

It’s important to note that Net Neutrality draws support from both sides of the aisle. ANovember University of Delaware poll, for example, revealed that over 80 percent of both Democrats and Republicans support keeping the Internet open.

Is any of this getting through to Wheeler?

In response to the president’s statement, Wheeler reportedly told a group of industry lobbyists that his challenge is figuring out how to “split the baby.” The comment suggests he could still be trying to write rules that pay lip service to the open Internet but ultimately allow phone and cable giants to create fast and slow lanes online.

Despite the overwhelming public and political support for Net Neutrality, the chairman — who previously served as a top lobbyist for the cable industry — so far seems incapable of breaking with his old bosses.

The coalition backing Net Neutrality is as broad and diverse as it is deep. Surely this ocean of support means more than the whispers of the many phone and cable lobbyists who come knocking at the FCC.

Wheeler himself claims to oppose the creation of fast lanes. But so far he hasn’t backed those claims up with a proposal that would actually prevent them.

What more does Wheeler need to do the right thing? He now has Obama’s backing and a strong public mandate for real Net Neutrality.

The future of the open Internet is too important to be left to business as usual in Washington. The Internet service providers’ political influence may be formidable, but public opinion favors real Net Neutrality and nothing less.

Now it’s up to Chairman Wheeler to make it happen.

Candace Clement is the Internet campaign director for Free Press, where Timothy Karr is the senior director of strategy. This originated on OtherWords.org

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John Peffer: A more ambiguous look at the fall of the Wall

It was Nov.  9, 1989.

I was at the library at Northwestern University, putting the final touches on my first book — which happened to be about Soviet foreign policy. In a mad rush to beat my deadline, I dashed out and dropped the manuscript in the FedEx box just before the truck pulled up. I headed home, feeling exhilarated.

But before I could even enjoy a celebratory drink, something on TV caught my eye.

It was the Berlin Wall. Being toppled.

The Cold War was effectively over. And the manuscript I’d just painstakingly polished had become instantly outdated.

For most Americans, the fall of the Berlin Wall remains the iconic image of the changes that took place in Europe 25 years ago. I had always assumed that it had a similar impact on people in the region.

But when I visited Eastern Europe in 2012, I discovered that, with some important exceptions, the Wall didn’t occupy such an important place in the regional imagination.

The exceptions were, of course, the Germans themselves. Nearly every German I interviewed had an interesting story to tell about that fateful day.

“I forgot time and food and everything,” West German politician Eva Quistorp told me. “It was incredible. It was better than Woodstock!”

Vera Lengsfeld, an East German activist, crossed over with some friends and found herself at a bus stop. “The regular bus was pulling in, and the bus driver was very surprised we were coming from the East,” she told me. “He dropped his usual route and gave us a sightseeing tour through West Berlin.”

But the Wall’s demise was just one of a series of monumental events. “Other moments were more memorable and stay in my mind better than the fall of the Berlin Wall,” said Hungarian activist Veronika Mora.

On that very same weekend in November, for instance, the Bulgarian Communists removed long-serving chief  Todor Zhivkov. The Czechs and Slovaks, a mere week later, launched their own Velvet Revolution. Hungarians are more likely to remember the June 1989 reburial of Imre Nagy, the executed leader of the 1956 revolution.

The Poles, like the Hungarians, had been at the forefront of change — they had made the first political breach in the Iron Curtain that summer by electing a non-Communist government. After Nov.  9, the spotlight shifted away. Poles generally feel damned by the faint attention.

But attention isn’t always a good thing.

Many people remember what happened in Romania in December 1989 because of its violence. Over a thousand people died during the Romanian revolution — including President Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife, Elena. Many of my interviewees remembered the Christmas Day execution of the Ceausescus more clearly than the fall of the Wall.

Still to come was the bloody dissolution of Yugoslavia and the many other conflicts that took place with the Soviet Union’s unraveling. The drastic transition from planned to market economics threw millions of people out of work and sent millions more abroad to hunt for jobs. Corruption spread like an infectious disease.

The expectations raised during those revolutionary days were so high that disappointment was inevitable. Even today, the gap between Europe’s East and West remains stubbornly wide: Per capita GDP in Hungary is barely half of neighboring Austria’s. Polls reveal that a majority of people in Romania, Hungary, and Serbia say life under Communism was better.

Even in wealthy Germany, the standard of living in the eastern parts of the country is lower than in the west, and unemployment remains stubbornly higher.

Still, 25 years ago, Germans had an opportunity that few are given in history: to tear down the walls of their oppression — peacefully — with their own hands. We should celebrate these few precious victories as we try, in so many ways, to tear down the walls that still divide us.

John Feffer is the director of Foreign Policy In Focus, which ran a longer version of this essay at FPIF.org. This was distributed by OtherWords.org.

 

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