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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Brighter days for Ocean State

Things are looking up in Rhode Island. Its economy is improving. A  tough, realistic, very smart and rather charismatic former venture capitalist, Gina Raimondo, will be the new governor and Providence will get a new mayor, Jorge Elorza, who seems honest and earnest and to have  new ideas for improving New England's second-largest city. Further, T.F. Green Airport's main runway will finally be extended, so as to bring in many more direct flights, including to Europe and the West Coast, and we have hopes that the under-used port at Quonset will get a boost.

A better business climate and a more upbeat (and thus more productive) citizenry in the Ocean State seem likely in 2015.

 

 

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Frank Robinson: As 2014 pulls away

 
006-1 Beisecker_Pineneedles-3
"Pine Needles'' (traditional analog photography) by KRISTI BEISECKER, in the "Visual Alchemy: Tangible Evidence of Experimentation, Discovery and Transformation'' show at Fountain Street Fine Art, Framingham, Mass., Jan. 2-25.

On the bus –

reading about Basho’s travels

on foot.

 

Strangely,

like Ulysses,

I always thought that home

was a place you could leave.

 

Unlike most arrivals –

the closer we get,

the less clear, the more unknown.

 

The amazing thing

is not that we will die,

but that we were alive.

 

They’re so polite today –

the perfect curve of the waves,

the smooth sheet of foam.

 

A hundred compromises accepted,

but some turned out better

than expected.

 

When you’re young,

you think you have choices.

When you’re old,

you think you chose.

 

It’s so strange,

to be so old and yet so strong,

so strong and yet so old.

 

Lying in bed,

deciding to make

the first decision of the day.

 

Tired from doing too much,

tired from doing too little,

but grateful for having the choice.

 

Which memories

should I sort through today —

what I did, or what I didn’t do?

 

At my age,

I should be thinking big thoughts,

getting ready.

 

The world is a patient teacher;

you can fail

as often as you like.

 

When I drop the leash,

she waits for me to pick it up.

The leash means freedom.

 

My body was once my slave,

but now,

rebellions are breaking out all over.

 

I can’t quite give up the idea

I might attract that pretty girl.

 

I wish

beauty were a kind of pill

that I could take every day

and never overdose.

 

I put off the moment

when I turn out the light

and admit the day is over.

 

How strange —

the one thing that lonely people want

is to be left alone.

 

Beauty —

so much is contained in the word,

implied, regretted, hoped for.

 

With my wife —

watching the wind

batter the trees.

 

Frank Robinson is retired director of the Johnson Museum of Art at Cornell University, former director of the Museum of Art at the Rhode Island School of Design and an art historian and poet. His end-of-the-year poems are a tradition.

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James P. Freeman: Obama, Patrick: Unrepentant progressives

 

“It’s one for all and all for one

We work together, common sons”

                                               --Rush, “2112”

 

Like progressive rock of the 1970s, progressive politics of the 2010s, also overwrought and overvalued, may be fading into the collective memory. As evident from the recent election, sensible candidates fled from proximity to its platitudes.

 

President Obama and Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick, individually heralded as the new voices of progressivism,  may come to collectively symbolize its very impotence and likely temporary revival. Kindred spirits, youthful and dynamic, for 10 years they have occupied a unique space in the temple of the American body politic. Their brand of progressivism, carelessly applied yet tethered to the original philosophical tenants from last century, has proven to be long on compassion and short on competence.

 

From savvy prodigies to seasoned professionals, their lives bear remarkable parallels with recurring intersections. Both were raised by a single mother and experienced strained relationships with a distant father. Both are married to attorneys and have two daughters. Both attended Harvard Law School and were civil-rights lawyers. Both are well-versed in Chicago-style politics. Both have had a family member ordered deported then granted legal status. Both supported Roland Arnall’s (founder of scandal-plagued mortgage lender Ameriquest) 2005 appointment as ambassador to the Netherlands.

 

Both have enigmatic relationships with the Clintons (as counsel for the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, Patrick sued then-Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton in a voting case; in 1994 President Clinton appointed him as an assistant attorney general. Obama selected Hillary Clinton as secretary of state after defeating her in 2008). And both will be remembered for electoral firsts: Obama as the first African-American president; Patrick as the first African-American governor to be re-elected.

 

Obama-Patrick today are the political equivalent of Lennon-McCartney, authors and architects of liberalism’s lyrical chorus and progressive arpeggios.

 

They gained national exposure for soaring speeches at Democrat National Conventions (Obama in Boston, 2004; Patrick in Charlotte, N.C., 2012). During the 2008 primary, Obama--denying accusations (raised by Clinton’s campaign) of plagiarizing a 2006 Patrick speech--confirmed, “Deval and I do trade ideas all of the time.”

 

Consider, then, the undeniable similarity, if not synchronicity, in their style and substance. Throughout elective office, their oratory and orthodoxy seem meticulously orchestrated. Patrick’s 2006 slogan: “Together we can.” Obama’s 2008 slogan: “Yes we can.”

Rarely stepping inside the soul of scripture, except when politically expedient, they both paraphrased Exodus 23 in remarks seemingly choreographed regarding immigration policy. This past July, Patrick: “My faith teaches that, if a stranger dwells…” This November, Obama: “Scripture tells us that we shall not oppress a stranger….”

 

Their beliefs illustrate perfectly the prurience of progressivism: omnipresent government as monopolizer of wisdom, allocator of capital, liquidator of competition, juror of diversity, dispenser of fairness, enforcer of selective laws and, now, a counselor in competence. Little in heaven or on earth is exempt from intervention.

 

Regarding global warming—despite a seventeen year pause and now known, with a sort of ambiguous panache, as “climate disruption”—Patrick said, “The overwhelming judgment of science… has put that question to rest.” Days later, in his 2014 State of the Union address, Obama said, “…the debate is settled… [disruption] is a fact.”

 

Nothing exemplifies unrepentant progressivism, however, better than the Affordable Care Act, whereby government, as social scientist, is reliant upon “experts” to engineer and deliver progress. MIT economist and paid health reform adviser Jonathan Gruber, cited by Obama (having “stolen” Gruber’s “ideas liberally”) for his role in ACA’s creation, recently affirmed what reasonable skeptics already knew: the law was based upon manipulation and deception, shadowing a flawed state model (slowly bankrupting Massachusetts). Few realize that Gruber, who last decade also advised Massachusetts, still sits on the board of its Health Connector, implementer and administrator of “model” healthcare.

 

After ACA’s disruptive roll-out in October 2013 (see CGI Federal, ultimately fired by Massachusetts and the federal government), Obama returned to Boston, extolling the virtues of  the ACA.

 

At Faneuil Hall, after being introduced by Patrick (saying the law was not a Web site but a “values statement”), Obama defended a so-called “progressive vision of healthcare for all.” With indifference to reality, he bizarrely claimed it connected “some ideas about markets and competition that had been championed by conservatives.” Shortly thereafter, the Mass. Connector site crashed, unable to conform to ACA’s myriad rules and regulations.

 

With Patrick leaving office in January, Obama said last March that the governor would make “a great president” and his friend “could be very successful at the federal level.” It remains to be seen, however, if a kind and merciful God will allow a nebbish state manager, harboring national ambitions, to once again quote from The Good News in a new public capacity.

 

James P. Freeman is a former Cape Cod Times columnist

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

Joyce Rowley: Plastic bags on way out of Mass.?

  By JOYCE ROWLEY/ecoRI News contributor

Six years ago, the city of Somerville passed one of the first ordinances in New England requiring large retailers to recycle plastic shopping bags. Now it’s poised to be one of the first to ban the bag in Massachusetts.

“It was a great victory,” said Alderman Rebekah Gewirtz of the earlier campaign to recycle plastic bags. Gewirtz is confident that a new law eliminating plastic shopping bags will also become a reality.

The Somerville Board of Alderman recently sent a draft ordinance to the legislative matters committee for final review.

“I’ve heard nothing but support for it from residents," said Alderman Mark Niedergang, a member of the energy and environment special subcommittee. “It’s time has come.”

Citing impacts to marine and land ecosystems by thin-film plastic shopping bags, the law would allow only compostable or marine-degradable plastic bags that meet certain standards. Reusable plastic bags with 2.25 millimeter thickness or better, as well as durable bags of other materials, could be handed out to customers.

The new law would apply to businesses greater than 2,500 square feet or with three or more stores in single ownership that have a combined size of 2,500 square feet, and retail pharmacies of any size with two or more stores under the same ownership within city limits.

Convenience stores that have gross annual sales in excess of $1 million would have to comply.

“Customers ask for them,” said Ben Weiner, owner of a local liquor store who spoke in opposition to the ban at a public hearing in November. Holding up a black plastic bag used at liquor stores, he said the bags are a convenience.

Resident Maureen Barillaro brought a large plastic bag full of retailers’ shopping bags she had collected along the Mystic River  before the hearing. Reading from a list, she ticked off the names of the retailers the bags came from, and included the black bags favored by liquor stores.

"Somerville is a growing city with a large population. So there’s a lot of plastic bags,” Barillaro said. “A plastic bag ban is really the only way we're ever going to eliminate this issue.”

Somerville would be the sixth Massachusetts municipality to ban plastic shopping bags. Brookline, Manchester-by-the-Sea, Great Barrington and Nantucket have bans in place.

Nantucket's sweeping biodegradable packaging ban, in place since 1990, calls for using anything other than plastic or Styrofoam on all “packaging added to or supplied by vendors or commercial establishments within the Town of Nantucket for merchandize of any type being removed from the establishment.”

Somerville also passed a ban last year on polystyrene (Styrofoam). The law took effect in May and became enforceable in October.

Both ordinances were modeled after Brookline — the city’s polystyrene and plastic bag ban took effect last year. Those ordinances passed by a vote of Town Meeting in 2012.

“It’s going surprisingly well,” said Dr. Alan Balsam, Brookline’s director of public health, whose department is charged with enforcing the bans. “We expected difficulties.”

Balsam’s department supplied retailers with a list of vendors that supply alternatives to plastic. Still, the polystyrene ban took longer to get full compliance.

“Polystyrene is in every food place; there are over 350 in town,” Balsam said.

This year, 100 food services got six-month exemptions as allowed by the law, and about 80 received an extension to the end of 2014. Most are now in compliance except for one or two items, such as plastic coffee-cup lids and the condiment containers in take-out restaurants, according to Balsam. The chain coffee shops such as Dunkin’ Donuts and Starbucks have alternatives to both the cups and lids.

“You go to the grocery stores, and people put one item in a plastic bag,” said Gewirtz, the Somerville alderman. “They leave with dozens of bags. And where do the bags end up? They end up in the landfills and the waterways. They choke marine life and they never biodegrade. My hope is that we'll get plastic bags banned statewide.”

Massachusetts has yet to pass a plastic reduction or elimination law, although there are five proposed bans in committee.

Editor’s note: SCATV public access coverage of the Nov. 20 public hearing was used for a portion of this article.

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Miriam Pemberton: Russian collapse a lesson in need for diversification

After months of whispered warnings, Russia’s economic troubles made global headlines when its currency collapsed halfway through December.Amid the tumbling price of oil, the ruble has fallen to record lows, bringing the country to its most serious economic crisis since the late 1990s.

Topping most lists of reasons for the collapse is Russia’s failure to diversify its economy. At least some of the flaws in its strategy of putting all those eggs in that one oil-and-gas basket are now in full view.

Once upon a time, Russia did actually try some diversification — back before the oil and gas “solution” came to seem like such a good idea.

It was during those tumultuous years when history was pushing the Soviet Union into its grave. Central planners began scrambling to convert portions of the vast state enterprise of military production — the enterprise that had so bankrupted the empire — to produce the consumer goods that Soviet citizens had long gone without.

One day the managers of a Soviet tank plant, for example, received a directive to convert their production lines to produce shoes. The timetable was: do it today. They didn’t succeed.

Economic development experts agree that the time to diversify is not after an economic shock, but before it. Scrambling is no way to manage a transition to new economic activity. Since the bloodless end to the Cold War was foreseen by almost nobody, significant planning for an economic transition in advance wasn’t really in the cards.

But now, in the United States at least, it is. Currently the country is in the first stage of a modest military downsizing. We’re about a third of the way through the 10-year framework of defense cuts mandated by the Budget Control Act of 2011.

Assuming that Congress doesn’t scale back this plan or even dismantle it altogether, the resulting downsizing will still be the shallowest in U.S. history.

It’s a downsizing of the post-9/11 surge, during which Pentagon spending nearly doubled. So the cuts will still leave a U.S. military budget higher, adjusting for inflation, than it was during nearly every year of the Cold War — back when we had an actual adversary that was trying to match us dollar for military dollar.

Now, no such adversary exists. Thinking of China? Not even close: The United States spends about six times as much on its military as Beijing.

Even so, the U.S. defense industry’s modest contraction is being felt in communities across the country. By the end of the ten-year cuts, many more communities will be affected.

This is the time for those communities that are dependent on Pentagon contracts to work on strategies to reduce this vulnerability. To get ahead of the curve.

There is actually Pentagon money available for this purpose. Its Office of Economic Adjustment exists to give planning grants and technical assistance to communities recognizing the need to diversify.

As we in the United States struggle to understand what’s going on in Russia and how to respond to it, at least one thing is clear: Moscow’s failure to move beyond economic structures dominated first by military production, and now by fossil fuels, can serve as a cautionary tale and call to action.

Diversified economies are stronger. They take time and planning. Wait to diversify until the bottom falls out of your existing economic base, and your chances for a smooth transition decline precipitously.

Turning an economy based on making tanks into one that makes shoes can’t be done in a day.

Miriam Pemberton directs the Peace Economy Transitions Project at the Institute for Policy Studies. This piece, distributed via OtherWords.org, was cross-posted from Foreign Policy In Focus.

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Now for those New Year's cards

  studio

"Winter Studio'' (oil on masonite), by MICHAEL DOYLE, at Patricia Ladd Carega Gallery, Center Sandwich, N.H.

This is the time of year, right after Christmas, when many of us feel compelled to  try to put the past year in perspective and to mull how we can pave the road for the next one, clearing out the  trivial as much as possible. It's time for the big picture. And yet the trivial -- thank-you notes,  year-end financial accounts, holiday meals, etc.   -- get in the way even as a clear, cold morning puts us in the mood for finding clarity and throwing out excess baggage, which doesn't stop piling up.

Now I have to get back to writing notes on those ''Happy New Year'' cards we send out because we got too far behind to send  Christmas cards.

-- Robert Whitcomb

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Book bunch

brickbottom At the "Resonance: book in time II'' show at Brickbottom Gallery, Somerville, Mass., Dec. 6-Jan. 16. It's a collection of individual and collaborative artists' books by Ann Forbush, Ania Gilmore and Annie Zeybekoglu.

 

 

 

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Commentary Robert Whitcomb Commentary Robert Whitcomb

A morning on this and that

A few Boxing Day observations:  

New Englanders are always complaining about their high electricity  rates even as they let frenzied and often well financed  and affluent not-in-my-backyard folks keep out the additional natural-gas pipelines, hydro-power, wind power, nuclear and even solar power that would bring down those rates and diversify their power sources so they aren't so vulnerable to one power source's price and supply gyrations.

xxx

As a nifty series in The Wall Street Journal implies,  you could expand healthcare if you really went after the physicians and other providers who are defrauding Medicare by many billions of dollars a year.

 

xxx

Donald Hall's latest book, Essays After Eighty, is well worth buying. The New Hampshire-based poet/essayist's take on aging is good medicine for all of us rapidly heading toward, or already in, old age.

As for me, I'll repeat the observation of other old people that the best thing about being  elderly is being able to easily say no to requests to do something you really don't want to do but may have felt compelled  to do by a sense of duty or the desire to be liked, or at least not disliked. Those concerns fall off like a snake shedding its skin.

And both those who liked you and disliked you disappear from the scene at an accelerating rate.

 

xxx

 

It's sad to know that  Turkish  President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is now a  kleptocratic, narcissistic, bigoted and anti-women dictator who is installing a police state. Turkey is a member of NATO but it's hard to know how long that can continue, since, in principle anyway, NATO members are supposed to be democracies. Erdogan is also cozying up to fellow dictator Vladimir Putin.

Erdogan, increasingly pathological in his lies, will presumably continue to use state apparatus to squelch dissent, and, like, Putin play the xenophobia card, as would any good demagogue.

 

--- R0bert Whitcomb

 

 

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Llewellyn King: Cuba and Vietnam

  HANOI

What do Vietnam and Cuba have in common? Short answer: The Washington Post.

In an editorial that shocked as much by where it came from as by its rather distended logic, the newspaper attacked President Obama’s opening to Cuba. It did so because Cuba is still a Communist dictatorship, and argued that giving trade privileges and diplomatic recognition to Vietnam in 1995 had neither lessened the Communist grip there nor improved the human rights record at all.

Wait a minute. Cuba is still very much a Communist country, with severe restrictions on its people. Vietnam has a titular communism and a lot of personal liberty.

Cuba's President Raul Castro has lightened some of the worst of the oppressiveness of the state but not by more than he has had to, given the changes that Western tourism has forced on the regime. It is still oppressive and there is no personal freedom for the Cubans. They cannot travel and when I was last there, a few years ago, they could not even go to the tourist hotels unless they were government officials.

I can say, though, that things were so much better than they had been when I first visited the island in the 1980s. Then the atmosphere was palpably repressive. The block committees for social spying were in full swing, and the good spirits of the people were shackled by the heavy, Slavic presence of the Soviets. It had the feeling of an occupied country.

By contrast, when I visited Vietnam in 1995, and traveled the length of the country, there was none of the sense of almighty government. Relations with the United States had just been normalized, and Vietnam was enthusiastically looking to joining the world. Businesses were beginning to take hold, and the war had been not so much forgotten as put aside.

One thing you did not get at that time in Vietnam was any sense the Marxist-Leninist dogma was affecting everyday life, or that the people felt oppressed. Those from  what had been South Vietnam, which  had fought against the Communists on the American side, did complain of discrimination.

Fast forward nearly 20 years, and I am again in Vietnam. It is bustling, more prosperous, but still primarily a happy country with people free to travel. In other words, much a better place for personal freedom that the Castro Brothers' Cuba.

The rub is that human rights are abused in Cuba and Vietnam. Both get low ratings from Human Rights Watch on its listing system. It is not a wise thing to criticize the regime in either Cuba or Vietnam: If you do, the prison door will swing open and in you will go. However, I am told by the Dutch Embassy in Havana that they feel things are improving in Cuba. And sources in the U.S. State Department tell me that they think things are slowly getting better in Vietnam-- and that they are already much better than they are in China. One thing I am sure of is that if Vietnam had not been so keen to trade with the West, it would not be as easygoing as it now is.

Next year, an important one for Vietnam, as it is the 40th anniversary of the ending of the war and the 20th of normalization with the United States. The government has ambitious plans to privatize as many as 400 companies that are at present inefficient state enterprises. Vietnamese business people told me they thought the country was on the move, going in the right direction.

Business is very important in “Communist” Vietnam.

By stark contrast, Cuba has a subculture of tiny businesses, mostly restaurants, that are constantly harassed by government agents. In Vietnam business is celebrated. There are multi-millionaires in Vietnam. Not so Cuba.

One way or the other, the United States has this choice: Maintain the servitude in Cuba that the Brothers Castro have been able to blame on U.S. policy since 1960, or let the force of openness prevail. I can tell you that things are better in Vietnam because of normalization of relations with the United States, and worse in Cuba because that has not happened.

To have open relations with China and to rue those with Vietnam, and to want to keep Cuba in limbo is incoherent and self-defeating.

Llewellyn King is executive producer and host of “White House Chronicle” on PBS. His e-mail is lking@kingpublishing.com.

 

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Charles Pinning: Saved for me, 51 years earlier

Gifts sometimes come from unexpected places. They can take a long, long time to reach us, gathering a force such that when they do, our lives are forever changed. This is the story of just such a gift.

Helen noticed the first flakes of snow coming down as she sat in her classroom at the Mary C. Wheeler School, in Providence. Helen was in the third grade at what was then an all-girls school on Hope Street in Providence. Today was the last day of classes before Christmas vacation.

On the way home, Helen walked over to Thayer Street to look at the colored lights and decorated store windows. The snow was falling steadily and sticking to the streets and sidewalks.

She stopped at Ligget’s for a Sky Bar and unwrapped it before she crossed the street and walked past the parking lot where Christmas trees were being sold. The sidewalk was busy and the smell of pine filled the air. She was imagining a new bicycle gleaming under the tree at home on Christmas morning.

After a few more blocks, Helen turned up her street, the snow coming up now over the tops of her brogues.

She passed her mother in the hall and went upstairs to her room, changing out of her wool skirt and knee socks into a pair of corduroys and a striped jersey.

Across the driveway she could see Mrs. Ross in her kitchen making dinner. The mother of her best friend, Carla, was a gourmet cook, and Helen tried to stay over there for dinner whenever she could.

She heard the heavy blade of a snowplow bang down at the end of the street and begin rumbling and she wondered if her father might leave work early to get home before it got too bad. She decided to see if Carla wanted to take a walk in the storm.

Pushing open the porch door, Helen could see this was a blizzard. Already there was a small drift at the front of the driveway, and the snow was above her ankles. Carla wasn’t home. Mrs. Ross said she was over at a friend’s house.

Helen turned around in the driveway and watched the snow blowing across the roof of the garage. It was exciting to be out in it, watching the familiar transform. She felt like an explorer and tromped into the backyard.

At the far end of the yard loomed the giant beech tree, its gray elephant hide bark covering thick, muscular branches that rose higher than their three-story house.

Slinging one leg over the lowest branch, Helen pulled herself up. The idea in her head was to climb up two more branches and get in the middle of the storm and feel it and see what the world looked like from up there. She was up and down this tree all summer and knew every knot and curve.

Three branches up, she steadied herself and began walking out on the long, heavy arm. But underneath the light covering of snow there was a coating of ice. She slipped and that was the last thing she remembered.

Dusk was turning to dark and Johnny Marsh, who was Helen’s age, was heading home after playing at a friend’s house. Instead of going all the way around the block to his house, he decided to cut through Helen’s yard and climb over the fence into his backyard. As he was heading across Helen’s yard, he noticed an oddly-shaped pile of snow beneath the beech tree and trudged over to investigate.

Helen’s father carried her inside and laid her down in the foyer. Blood was on her face. Her pediatrician, who lived two blocks away, was summoned.

When Helen woke up, she was in her bed. An intravenous tube was attached to her leg. She had two black eyes. She was banged up, but she would be fine.

As this drama unfolded, I was living 30 miles away, in Newport, surviving my own childhood. I knew nothing of Thayer Street or the Mary C. Wheeler School or a girl named Helen, whom I would meet this year, 51 years after the incident. It was on a recent walk by the house she’d grown up that she told me the story.

“He saved my life,” she said of Johnny.

“And saved you for me,” I added.

And so, this Christmas, let’s not forget that every wrong turn, every right turn, every victory and every misfortune have brought us to this divine moment, where in the faces of those we love, we see the best presents of all.

Charles Pinning  is the author of the Rhode Island-based novel “Irreplaceable.”

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Chris Powell: The big problem isn't racist cops

MANCHESTER, Conn. 
Does racism explain why white police officers are abusing black criminal 
suspects more often than they abuse white suspects, as asserted by the clamor 
over the recent fatal incidents in Ferguson, Mo., and  New 
York City? 

Since there is racism among all groups, racism surely is part of such abuse. But 
racism can't explain all hostile racial interaction with police, since crime 
itself is racially disproportionate, as is poverty, which also correlates with 
crime. If racism explained the racially disproportionate composition of 
Connecticut's prison population -- about 80 percent from minorities -- the state 
would have to be largely racist rather than, as it is, largely indifferent to 
race. 

And the black men killed in the incidents with the white cops in Missouri and 
New York were not picked on for their race. The man in Missouri had just robbed 
a store, walked in the middle of the street to show his contempt for society, 
and got mouthy with and maybe even attacked the officer who confronted him. The 
man in New York was selling untaxed cigarettes and weighed 400 pounds and was 
asthmatic and was thus especially unwise to resist arrest as he did. So while 
the judgment of the police in those incidents may be questioned, it is not 
surprising that investigations cleared them. 

Yes, some cops love the chance to bully and even beat people on any pretext, 
usually without regard to race. Power corrupts in every occupation. Enfield, Conn.,
learned as much this year from the many brutality complaints brought against one 
of its police officers, causing his dismissal. Bridgeport learned as much this 
year as two of its officers were sent to prison for an incident three years ago 
in which they kicked and stomped a man who was disabled by a stun gun and lying 
on the ground unresisting, brutality caught on cellphone video. 

While measures to increase accountability in police work -- like body cameras -- 
may reduce corruption by power, power will always cause it. The bigger issue is 
what can be done to reduce the racial disproportions in crime and poverty. 

No one in Connecticut needs to go to Missouri or New York to confront these 
issues. Indeed, the emphasis on the Missouri and New York cases here and 
throughout the country is largely distraction, pious posturing to make its 
participants feel righteous. 

Connecticut has many such posturers. They have held demonstrations about the 
Missouri and New York cases while overlooking better-documented cases of police 
excess close to home. 

Last week those posturers included the basketball team of Weaver High School, in 
Hartford, whose members wore T-shirts emblazoned with "I can't breathe," the 
last words of the asthmatic who was wrestled to death by the police in New York, 
a slogan now popular with race mongers throughout the country. Yet only a few 
weeks earlier people in Connecticut of all races had been shocked by security 
camera video of a Hartford police officer's unprovoked assault on an unarmed 
black teenager. 

The teen had been running toward the officer but stopped and stood still, hands 
at his sides, about 25 feet away. Still, the officer strode purposefully toward 
him while aiming a stun gun at him, firing it from about 10 feet away. The teen 
fell backward, hitting his head on the sidewalk and going into convulsions. 

Having viewed the video, even Gov. Dannel Malloy said he was "momentarily 
sickened." But while the teen assaulted by the officer was black, so was the 
officer himself, the police department somehow cleared him, and the governor's 
revulsion was indeed only momentary. His sympathetic comment got him past the 
brief political uproar about the incident and he hasn't mentioned it since. 

For apparently abuse of black people by black officers is OK because it can't be 
exploited racially and signifies that the problems of police work and criminal 
justice go far beyond the racial attitudes of cops and the solutions of the race 
mongers. 

Chris Powell is managing editor of the Journal Inquirer, in Manchester, Conn.
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Frozen polls

  maximshin

 

Photo in Krasnoskamensk, Russia,  March 2006, by SERGEY MAXIMISHIN, in the show "Siberia Imagined and Reimagined,'' at the Museum of Russian Icons, Clinton, Mass., through Jan. 10.

 

News stories frequently report that Russian President Vladimir Putin has about an 80 percent approval rating in polls. But what do public-opinion polls means in a police state?

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